Three co-equal foundational documents. Rights that were promised and never delivered. Rights that were always there and never honored. Rights that a free society cannot keep pretending are optional.
The original Bill of Rights told government what it could not do to you. Franklin Roosevelt tried to extend it — in 1944, in the middle of a world war with the Great Depression still in living memory, he proposed a Second Bill of Rights that would make freedom real for ordinary Americans. Congress never passed it. He died before he could force the issue. The window closed. This is the next chapter.
These three documents address three distinct registers of rights — constitutional rights for every person, economic rights in the labor sphere, and sovereignty rights that predate this government. They are not appendices to each other. They do not form a hierarchy. They are co-equal: the New Bill of Rights for every person in the reach of this government; the Workers' Rights Bill for the specific obligations that arise in the employment relationship; the Declaration of Indigenous Rights for sovereignty that existed before the United States did and was never extinguished.
All three apply the PolicyOS floor+duty model. These are not aspirations. They are requirements. The floor is the minimum the government may not violate, erode, or fall beneath. The duty is what it must actively secure, build, preserve, and advance. A policy that does not satisfy the duty is incomplete. A policy that crosses the floor has failed.
A draft for public review — Freedom and Dignity Project, April 2026
The First Bill of Rights, ratified in 1791, told government what it could not do to you. Ten amendments. Freedom of speech, of religion, of assembly. The right to due process, to a fair trial, to be free from unreasonable search and seizure. Essential. Still contested. Still unfinished.
Franklin Roosevelt saw that they were not enough. In 1944, in the middle of a world war with the Great Depression still in living memory, he proposed a Second Bill of Rights — economic guarantees that would make freedom real for ordinary Americans. Congress never passed them. He died before he could force the issue. The window closed.
Eighty years later, those rights remain unfinished — and the world has changed in ways Roosevelt could not have imagined: mass digital surveillance, algorithmic control, climate collapse, systematic erosion of democratic institutions, and rights under assault from both state power and private concentration.
This is the next chapter. Ten amendments — a deliberate parallel to the original Bill of Rights — that extend the unfinished work of 1791 and 1944 into the century we actually live in.
These rights belong to every person. Not just citizens. Not just people with money or connections or the right paperwork. Every person within the reach of this government.
How to Read This Document
Each amendment is structured as follows: the right (a short, plainly stated name); what it means (one sentence); sub-rights (the major guarantees that together constitute the amendment); Floor — the minimum government may not violate, erode, or fall beneath; and Duty — the positive obligation government must actively secure, build, preserve, and advance.
The floor and duty model is drawn from PolicyOS Platform Values. These are not aspirations — they are requirements.
Your voice in who governs you is sacred — and may not be denied, suppressed, or made practically impossible.
Sub-rights:
You have the right to shape the institutions and systems that govern your life — and no private interest may buy or capture that right away from you.
Sub-rights:
You have the right to join together — with coworkers, neighbors, or fellow citizens — to demand better, and no one may punish you for it.
Sub-rights:
Your body is yours — your reproductive choices, your medical decisions, your gender identity, and your right to age and die on your own terms.
Sub-rights:
Your personal life, your body, your data, and your communications belong to you — not to corporations, not to government agencies, and not to anyone who can afford to buy them.
Sub-rights:
The nations that were here first have rights that predate this government — and this government has obligations it has never fully kept.
This amendment is a constitutional statement of recognition and obligation. The full architecture of these rights is set out in the Declaration of Indigenous Rights below, which carries equal force as a foundational document of this project.
Sub-rights:
Clean air, clean water, healthy waterways and ecosystems, and a stable climate are not luxuries — they are the shared conditions of life itself.
Sub-rights:
The law applies equally to everyone — and every person has the right to participate fully in the life of this country.
Sub-rights:
Every person has the right to their language, their faith, their heritage, and their cultural life — and the right to pass them on.
Sub-rights:
Healthcare, housing, food, a living income, education, childcare, elder care, and rest are not privileges — they are the floor of a free society.
Sub-rights:
The original Bill of Rights has ten amendments. This project's New Bill of Rights has exactly ten. That is not a coincidence. It is an assertion: this is the next chapter of that document. The unfinished work of 1791. The unbuilt promises of 1944. The rights we have not yet had the courage to guarantee. Ten amendments for the century we live in.
A draft for public review — Freedom and Dignity Project, April 2026
Labor built this country. Farmers grew its food. Miners dug its steel. Workers stitched its clothes, assembled its cars, stocked its shelves, raised its children, cared for its sick, and drove its trucks through the night. Every generation produced wealth — enormous, historic, unprecedented wealth — and every generation was told that the wealth belonged to someone else.
Franklin Roosevelt saw it clearly. In 1944, the same year he proposed a Second Bill of Rights, he understood that without economic rights, all other rights were incomplete. The freedom to speak means less if you can lose your job for speaking. The right to vote means less if poverty and insecurity make political engagement a luxury you can't afford.
The labor movement fought for a century — and won real gains: the 8-hour day, the minimum wage, the weekend, workplace safety, the right to organize. Those wins were real. They were also attacked, eroded, and legislated away, year by year, as the balance of power shifted toward capital.
This document is a restoration and an extension. Ten rights — not as negotiating positions, not as aspirations, but as guarantees. The floor below which no employer, no legislature, and no court may push working people.
These rights stack on top of the New Bill of Rights. A worker is a person first. All ten amendments of the New Bill apply to every worker in every workplace. These rights address the specific obligations that arise in the relationship between labor and capital — where the imbalance of power is greatest and the need for protection is most acute.
How to Read This Document
Each right is structured as follows: the right (a short, plainly stated name); what it means (one sentence); Floor — the minimum that no employer or government may violate; and Duty — the positive obligation government must actively secure, build, preserve, and advance.
The floor and duty model is drawn from PolicyOS Platform Values. These are not aspirations — they are requirements.
Your labor must be fairly compensated — no exploitation, no wage theft, no poverty wages.
Workers have the right to form unions, bargain collectively, and strike — and no employer may punish them for it.
No employer may put your life or health at risk for profit — and the government must ensure they do not.
Paid, job-protected leave for birth, adoption, and caregiving is a right — not a benefit your employer chooses whether to offer.
No employer may claim all of your time. You have a right to a life outside of work.
Unemployment, injury, disability, and retirement are risks that workers should not have to face alone.
No one may be treated differently at work because of who they are — in hiring, pay, promotion, discipline, or any other term of employment.
Workers may not be fired arbitrarily, in bad faith, or in retaliation for exercising any protected right.
Wage theft is theft. Equal pay for equal work is not optional. Pay must be transparent.
You may not be fired, demoted, or penalized for being a parent, a pregnant person, or a caregiver.
Workers are people first. Every guarantee in the New Bill of Rights applies in the workplace: the right to privacy, the right to organize (Amendment III), the right to equal justice (Amendment VIII), the right to bodily autonomy (Amendment IV). Those rights do not stop at the employer's door.
These ten rights are additional — the obligations specific to the employment relationship, where the concentration of economic power creates its own forms of coercion that the general Bill of Rights does not fully address. They stack. A worker wrongfully terminated for organizing has protections under both Amendment III of the New Bill and Right 8 of this document. A pregnant worker facing discrimination has protections under both Amendment VIII and Rights 7 and 10 here. The documents reinforce each other.
A draft for public review — Freedom and Dignity Project, April 2026
The New Bill of Rights is a bill — an assertion of rights within the constitutional framework of the United States. A bill asks for rights to be recognized and protected.
This is a declaration.
A declaration does not ask. It asserts. Indigenous sovereignty and Indigenous rights did not come from the United States Constitution, the U.S. Congress, or any federal law. They predate all of those things. They were not given. They were here.
What the United States did — through conquest, forced removal, broken treaties, cultural erasure, and centuries of systematic dispossession — was violate rights that already existed. This declaration does not grant Indigenous rights. It recognizes them, names the violations, and states the obligations that flow from those violations.
The word "Declaration" is also an echo: the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), adopted in 2007, which the United States initially opposed and later endorsed without fully implementing. This document is a commitment to implement that spirit — and to go further where necessary.
This document addresses the obligations of the United States government to:
These are not separate categories with separate standings. They are all peoples whose sovereignty, land, culture, and futures were shaped — and harmed — by U.S. policy. All of them belong in this document.
How to Read This Document
Each right is structured as follows: the right (a short, plainly stated name); what it means (one sentence); Floor — the minimum the government may not violate, erode, or fall beneath; and Duty — the positive obligation government must actively fulfill, build, preserve, and advance.
The floor and duty model is drawn from PolicyOS Platform Values. These are not aspirations — they are requirements.
Indigenous nations are sovereign peoples with the right to govern themselves — and that sovereignty belongs to them, not to the federal government to grant or revoke.
Every treaty with an Indigenous nation is the supreme law of the land — and every broken treaty is a federal obligation that remains outstanding, not a chapter that is closed.
Indigenous nations have rights to their ancestral lands and the resources within them — and the theft of those lands is a debt that has not been paid.
Indigenous languages, ceremonies, and cultural practices that were criminalized and suppressed must be actively restored and protected.
The harms of genocide, forced removal, boarding schools, sterilization programs, and economic dispossession are not history — they are unresolved obligations.
Hawaii was illegally annexed. Native Hawaiians have rights to their sovereignty, their lands, and their cultural survival — and the 1993 Apology Resolution is a statement of obligation, not a resolution of it.
The peoples of Guam, American Samoa, the Northern Mariana Islands, and the COFA nations are not second-class subjects of American empire — they have the right to self-determination and full civic standing.
Communities in the Marshall Islands and across the Pacific who bore the cost of U.S. nuclear testing are owed justice, remediation, and reparations — and that debt has not been paid.
Tribal courts, tribal laws, and tribal governance structures must be respected and protected from state interference — sovereignty is not a privilege the federal government can take back.
Indigenous children have the right to learn their history, their language, and their culture — in schools that honor rather than erase who they are. And every American child has the right to learn what actually happened.
Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islander peoples are named explicitly throughout this declaration because they are too often left out of the Indigenous rights conversation — sometimes subsumed into racial categories, sometimes treated as geopolitical footnotes, sometimes simply forgotten.
They are not footnotes. Native Hawaiians are an Indigenous people whose sovereignty was ended by an illegal U.S. coup. The legal and political path to restoration is complex, but the obligation is clear. American Samoans are the only people born on U.S. soil who are not automatically citizens — a civil rights issue hiding in plain sight. Chamorros of Guam cannot vote for the president of the country that deploys them into military service and occupies their land. Marshall Islanders live with the legacy of U.S. nuclear testing on their atolls. Bikini Atoll remains uninhabitable. The people were told it was safe to return in 1968. It was not. COFA nations have complex relationships with the U.S. that include rights to live and work here, but have historically been excluded from federal benefits like Medicaid.
These are not distant issues. They are active, ongoing obligations that this government has not met. This declaration names them specifically so they cannot be quietly omitted in implementation.
Draft for public review — Freedom and Dignity Project, April 2026. All feedback welcome. Join the review process →