Foundation V: Freedom to Thrive

Labor & Workers' Rights

★ ★ ★

Guarantee fair wages, safe conditions, meaningful collective power, and dignity for all workers—regardless of classification, sector, or employment structure. This pillar addresses wage theft, misclassification, union su

209Total Positions
158Active
0Partial
51Proposed
Development Status
🟢 Well Developed
Comprehensive worker rights framework; union rights, wage standards, and gig worker rules developed; international labor standards section may need expansion

Purpose

Guarantee fair wages, safe conditions, meaningful collective power, and dignity for all workers—regardless of classification, sector, or employment structure. This pillar addresses wage theft, misclassification, union suppression, algorithmic workplace control, surveillance, and the structural imbalances that allow concentrated economic power to extract value from workers without fair return.

Core Principle

Workers must share in the economic value they create, and labor markets may not be structured to systematically exploit dependency, classification tricks, or power imbalances. Every worker—full-time, part-time, gig, or contractor—deserves enforceable rights, fair compensation, and the ability to organize without retaliation.

The Problem It Solves

Key Reform Areas

Universal wage, hour, and leave protections for all workers regardless of classification

Design Logic — How These Positions Work Together
  • Universal worker rights regardless of classification address the misclassification loophole that corporations exploit to deny protections to workers performing functionally identical work to employees.
  • Collective bargaining reform—including sectoral bargaining, faster union recognition, and personal liability for union-busting—restores the balance of power between workers and concentrated capital.
  • Algorithmic and platform accountability rules extend existing labor protections to the new forms of control that gig platforms and automated management systems use to set pay, schedule work, and discipline workers.
  • Strong enforcement with meaningful penalties converts labor law from a cost of doing business into a genuine deterrent.

Full Policy Platform

Every rule in this pillar, organized by policy area. Active rules are current platform commitments. Partial rules are in development. Proposed rules are planned for future inclusion.

MISC Miscellaneous 158/158 active
LABR-SYSR-0001 Included

Labor systems must ensure fair compensation, safe conditions

This position holds that work must give people fair pay, safe conditions, dignity, and freedom — and must protect them from being exploited by the people who employ them.

Labor systems must ensure fair compensation, safe conditions, dignity, autonomy, and protection from exploitation.

System principles establish the moral and structural foundation: labor markets must be organized to ensure fair return, dignity, and protection from exploitation for all workers.

LABR-SYSR-0002 Included

Workers must share in the economic value they

This position holds that workers must receive a fair share of the value they produce, and the rules of the labor market may not be structured to systematically shortchange workers while enriching employers.

Workers must share in the economic value they create, and labor markets may not be structured to systematically extract value from workers without fair return.

System principles establish the moral and structural foundation: labor markets must be organized to ensure fair return, dignity, and protection from exploitation for all workers.

LABR-SYSR-0003 Included

Employment systems must not rely on coercion, dependency

This position prohibits employment systems that use fear, financial desperation, or power imbalances to keep workers compliant — the workplace must operate on fair and equal terms, not coercion.

Employment systems must not rely on coercion, dependency, or structural imbalance of power to function.

System principles establish the moral and structural foundation: labor markets must be organized to ensure fair return, dignity, and protection from exploitation for all workers.

LABR-RGTS-0001 Included

All workers are entitled to fair wages, safe

This position guarantees every worker the right to fair pay, safe conditions, reasonable hours, and protection from discrimination and retaliation — no exceptions.

All workers are entitled to fair wages, safe working conditions, reasonable hours, and protection from discrimination and retaliation.

Universal worker rights regardless of classification close the loopholes that allow corporations to deny protections to workers performing identical functions as employees.

LABR-RGTS-0002 Included

Workers must have access to clear, enforceable labor

This position ensures that your labor rights are clear and legally enforceable no matter what kind of job you have, how much you earn, or what industry you work in.

Workers must have access to clear, enforceable labor rights regardless of employment classification, income level, or sector.

Universal worker rights regardless of classification close the loopholes that allow corporations to deny protections to workers performing identical functions as employees.

LABR-RGTS-0003 Included

Labor rights must apply equally to full-time, part-time

This position requires that labor protections apply equally to every type of worker — full-time, part-time, contract, gig, and temp — so that classification cannot be used to strip anyone of their rights on the job.

Labor rights must apply equally to full-time, part-time, contract, gig, and temporary workers.

Universal worker rights regardless of classification close the loopholes that allow corporations to deny protections to workers performing identical functions as employees.

LABR-PAYS-0001 Included

Workers must receive compensation sufficient to meet basic

This position holds that your paycheck must be enough to actually live on — covering housing, food, healthcare, and transportation — not merely token compensation that leaves workers in poverty.

Workers must receive compensation sufficient to meet basic living standards, including housing, food, healthcare, and transportation.

Wage theft and pay opacity are primary mechanisms of worker exploitation; transparency and enforcement are prerequisites for fair compensation.

LABR-PAYS-0002 Included

Wage systems must be transparent, predictable, and free

This position requires that pay be transparent, predictable, and free of hidden deductions or manipulation so that workers always know what they're earning and why.

Wage systems must be transparent, predictable, and free from hidden deductions, wage theft, or manipulation.

Wage theft and pay opacity are primary mechanisms of worker exploitation; transparency and enforcement are prerequisites for fair compensation.

LABR-PAYS-0003 Included

Wage theft, misclassification, unpaid labor, and delayed payment

This position treats wage theft, worker misclassification, unpaid labor, and delayed paychecks as serious violations — not minor technicalities — and demands strong enforcement with real consequences.

Wage theft, misclassification, unpaid labor, and delayed payment must be treated as serious violations with strong enforcement.

Wage theft and pay opacity are primary mechanisms of worker exploitation; transparency and enforcement are prerequisites for fair compensation.

LABR-PAYS-0004 Included

Extreme disparities between executive compensation and worker pay

This position holds that when the gap between CEO pay and worker pay exists because executives are extracting wealth rather than creating it, that gap must be limited.

Extreme disparities between executive compensation and worker pay must be limited where they reflect extraction rather than value creation.

Wage theft and pay opacity are primary mechanisms of worker exploitation; transparency and enforcement are prerequisites for fair compensation.

LABR-PAYS-0005 Included

Firms must disclose compensation ratios between executives and

This position requires companies to publicly report how much they pay top executives compared to their average worker, using a standardized format that anyone can read and compare.

Firms must disclose compensation ratios between executives and median workers in standardized formats.

Wage theft and pay opacity are primary mechanisms of worker exploitation; transparency and enforcement are prerequisites for fair compensation.

LABR-PAYS-0006 Included

Tax, regulatory, or governance mechanisms may be used

This position permits the government to use taxes, regulations, or governance tools to discourage companies from heaping extreme rewards on executives while leaving workers behind.

Tax, regulatory, or governance mechanisms may be used to discourage excessive executive compensation that undermines equitable distribution of value.

Wage theft and pay opacity are primary mechanisms of worker exploitation; transparency and enforcement are prerequisites for fair compensation.

LABR-PAYS-0007 Included

Compensation structures may not incentivize short-term extraction at

This position prohibits pay structures that reward executives for short-term gains at the expense of workers, product quality, or the long-term health of the business.

Compensation structures may not incentivize short-term extraction at the expense of workers, product quality, or long-term stability.

Wage theft and pay opacity are primary mechanisms of worker exploitation; transparency and enforcement are prerequisites for fair compensation.

LABR-PAYS-0008 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Federal pay transparency mandate: employers with 25 or more employees must post salary ranges on all job postings and may not inquire into or use applicant salary history

This position requires all employers with 25 or more workers to post the full salary or hourly pay range on every job listing — internal or external — share it with any applicant before a first interview, and never ask about or use a candidate's prior salary. Violations carry civil fines of $1,000 per posting, and workers can sue — including as a class — for systemic violations.

All employers with 25 or more employees must include the full salary or hourly wage range for every job posting, including internal transfers, promotions, and third-party postings; must disclose the range to any applicant who requests it before a first interview; and may not solicit, require, or use a job applicant's prior salary history in making compensation decisions. The requirement extends to gig platforms and staffing agencies posting on behalf of covered employers. Violations are subject to civil penalties of $1,000 per posting, with a private right of action and class certification available for systemic violations, plus attorney fee-shifting.

Pay secrecy systematically benefits employers and suppresses wages, especially for women and workers of color who enter salary negotiations without market information. Fourteen states and over 20 jurisdictions have enacted pay transparency laws since 2021; a federal floor eliminates the regulatory gap that allows employers to move postings across state lines to avoid disclosure requirements. Salary history bans are supported by research showing that basing new compensation on prior wages perpetuates historical pay discrimination across job changes.

LABR-PAYS-0009 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Employers with 100 or more employees must submit annual pay equity audits to the EEOC; results must be publicly accessible; persistent gaps trigger mandatory remediation plans and enforcement

This position requires employers with 100 or more employees to submit yearly pay equity audits to the EEOC broken down by race, sex, and ethnicity, with results published in a public searchable database within 90 days. Employers whose pay gaps persist over two or more audit cycles must file binding remediation plans, and workers can sue for systemic pay discrimination.

Employers with 100 or more employees must conduct and submit annual pay equity audits to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, disaggregated by race, sex, and ethnicity across job categories and pay bands, using an EEOC-approved methodology. Audit results must be published in a publicly searchable database maintained by the EEOC within 90 days of submission. Employers with statistically significant pay gaps that persist for two or more consecutive audit cycles must submit a written remediation plan with binding timelines and annual progress reports. Willful failure to audit or submit constitutes an unlawful employment practice under Title VII; affected workers have a private right of action with fee-shifting and may seek class certification for systemic pay disparity claims.

The EEOC's EEO-1 Component 2 pay data collection — requiring employers to report pay data by race, sex, and job category — was suspended in 2019 after a single reporting cycle and never reinstated, leaving the federal government without systematic pay discrimination data. Mandatory audits with public results create accountability that voluntary disclosure fails to achieve. The United Kingdom's mandatory gender pay gap reporting requirement, in effect since 2017, demonstrates that transparent public reporting changes employer behavior and accelerates gap closure for covered employers.

LABR-PAYS-0010 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

The Pregnant Workers Fairness Act must be made permanent, extended to all employers, and strengthened to prohibit any adverse employment action for requesting or using pregnancy-related accommodation, including coverage through 12 months postpartum and for pregnancy loss

This position makes the Pregnant Workers Fairness Act permanent and stronger — expanding it to all employers regardless of size, protecting workers for 12 months after birth, covering pregnancy loss including miscarriage and abortion, and banning any adverse action for requesting or using pregnancy-related accommodations. Workers have up to four years to file a lawsuit and can seek compensatory and punitive damages.

The Pregnant Workers Fairness Act (42 U.S.C. § 2000gg et seq.) must be amended to: (a) remove the 15-employee threshold and apply to all employers regardless of size; (b) extend coverage through 12 months postpartum, not only through the period of physical recovery from childbirth; (c) prohibit any adverse employment action — including demotion, schedule reduction, exclusion from advancement, or termination — taken against a worker for requesting, using, or returning from any pregnancy-related accommodation or leave; (d) explicitly extend PWFA protections to workers who have experienced pregnancy loss, including miscarriage, stillbirth, or abortion; (e) create an explicit private right of action with a four-year statute of limitations, compensatory and punitive damages, and attorney fee-shifting; (f) require employers to provide written notice of accommodation rights to all workers upon hire and again upon written notice of pregnancy.

The PWFA was enacted in 2022 and took effect in June 2023; it represents a meaningful step but contains structural gaps including the 15-employee threshold that excludes workers at small businesses, and ambiguity about the scope of postpartum coverage. Research consistently identifies pregnancy discrimination as a persistent structural driver of the gender wage gap; effective protection requires both accommodation rights and enforceable anti-retaliation provisions covering the full arc of pregnancy and early parenthood, including pregnancy loss.

LABR-LVES-0001 Included

Workers are entitled to paid leave, including vacation

This position guarantees every worker paid time off — including vacation, sick days, parental leave, and medical leave — so that taking care of yourself and your family doesn't cost you your livelihood.

Workers are entitled to paid leave, including vacation, sick leave, parental leave, and medical leave.

Paid leave is both a health necessity and a work-family balance issue; without enforceable access, lower-income workers disproportionately bear the cost of illness and caregiving.

LABR-LVES-0002 Included

Paid leave must be sufficient in duration and

This position requires that paid leave actually works in practice — meaning enough days off and genuinely accessible to lower-wage and hourly workers who need it most, not just on paper.

Paid leave must be sufficient in duration and accessible in practice, including for lower-income and hourly workers.

Paid leave is both a health necessity and a work-family balance issue; without enforceable access, lower-income workers disproportionately bear the cost of illness and caregiving.

LABR-LVES-0003 Included

Workers may not be penalized, retaliated against, or

This position prohibits employers from punishing, retaliating against, or shortchanging workers who use the paid leave they're legally entitled to.

Workers may not be penalized, retaliated against, or disadvantaged for using entitled leave.

Paid leave is both a health necessity and a work-family balance issue; without enforceable access, lower-income workers disproportionately bear the cost of illness and caregiving.

LABR-LVES-0004 Included

Governments must ensure leave access for small-business employees

This position requires governments to ensure that workers at small businesses can access paid leave through subsidies, pooled systems, or public programs — so small employers are not left to bear the cost alone.

Governments must ensure leave access for small-business employees through subsidies, pooled systems, or public programs.

Paid leave is both a health necessity and a work-family balance issue; without enforceable access, lower-income workers disproportionately bear the cost of illness and caregiving.

LABR-LVES-0005 Included

Leave systems must account for caregiving, family emergencies

This position requires that leave systems cover caregiving, family crises, reproductive healthcare, recovery, and major life events — so workers are never forced to choose between keeping their job and meeting a basic human need.

Leave systems must account for caregiving, family emergencies, reproductive healthcare, recovery, and major life events without requiring workers to choose between survival and care.

Paid leave is both a health necessity and a work-family balance issue; without enforceable access, lower-income workers disproportionately bear the cost of illness and caregiving.

LABR-SURS-0001 Included

Employers may not use invasive surveillance systems that

This position prohibits employers from using invasive surveillance — cameras, biometrics, or behavioral tracking — in ways that undermine your privacy, dignity, or ability to make your own decisions at work without clear justification.

Employers may not use invasive surveillance systems that undermine worker privacy, dignity, or autonomy without clear necessity and proportionality.

Invasive workplace surveillance undermines worker dignity and autonomy; limits on monitoring protect workers from coercive productivity regimes and behavioral control.

LABR-SURS-0002 Included

Continuous monitoring of workers through cameras, biometrics, keystroke

This position holds that constant monitoring of workers through cameras, biometric scanners, keystroke logging, or behavioral analytics must be limited by law and subject to clear, enforceable rules.

Continuous monitoring of workers through cameras, biometrics, keystroke tracking, or behavioral analytics must be limited and regulated.

Invasive workplace surveillance undermines worker dignity and autonomy; limits on monitoring protect workers from coercive productivity regimes and behavioral control.

LABR-SURS-0003 Included

Worker data collection must be transparent, minimal, and

This position requires that any data collected about workers be gathered transparently, kept to a minimum, and used only for legitimate work purposes — not to build a surveillance dossier or control behavior.

Worker data collection must be transparent, minimal, and limited to legitimate operational purposes.

Invasive workplace surveillance undermines worker dignity and autonomy; limits on monitoring protect workers from coercive productivity regimes and behavioral control.

LABR-SURS-0004 Included

Workers must have the right to know what

This position guarantees workers the right to know what data their employer is collecting about them, how it is being used, and to challenge any misuse of that information.

Workers must have the right to know what data is collected, how it is used, and to challenge misuse.

Invasive workplace surveillance undermines worker dignity and autonomy; limits on monitoring protect workers from coercive productivity regimes and behavioral control.

LABR-SURS-0005 Included

Surveillance systems may not be used to enforce

This position prohibits employers from using monitoring systems to enforce unreasonable productivity targets, punish lawful on-the-job behavior, or create a pressure-cooker environment that strips workers of their autonomy.

Surveillance systems may not be used to enforce unreasonable productivity targets, punish lawful behavior, or create coercive working conditions.

Invasive workplace surveillance undermines worker dignity and autonomy; limits on monitoring protect workers from coercive productivity regimes and behavioral control.

LABR-HRSS-0001 Included

Work schedules must be predictable, reasonable, and not

This position holds that your work schedule must be reasonably predictable and stable — employers may not arbitrarily change your hours at the last minute without compensating you for the disruption to your life.

Work schedules must be predictable, reasonable, and not subject to arbitrary or last-minute changes without compensation.

Predictable scheduling and overtime protections are foundational to worker stability; arbitrary scheduling and hour manipulation are coercive tools that must be regulated.

LABR-HRSS-0002 Included

Excessive working hours that undermine health, safety, or

This position holds that extreme working hours that harm your health, safety, or quality of life must be limited by law.

Excessive working hours that undermine health, safety, or quality of life must be limited.

Predictable scheduling and overtime protections are foundational to worker stability; arbitrary scheduling and hour manipulation are coercive tools that must be regulated.

LABR-HRSS-0003 Included

Workers must receive overtime compensation for hours worked

This position guarantees workers overtime pay when they work beyond set hour limits — including salaried workers whose pay does not reflect the extra hours they actually put in.

Workers must receive overtime compensation for hours worked beyond defined thresholds, including salaried workers where appropriate.

Predictable scheduling and overtime protections are foundational to worker stability; arbitrary scheduling and hour manipulation are coercive tools that must be regulated.

LABR-HRSS-0004 Included

Workers must have scheduling protections that account for

This position requires scheduling protections that account for real life — caregiving responsibilities, health conditions, disabilities, education, and basic life planning — so your schedule doesn't punish you for having obligations outside work.

Workers must have scheduling protections that account for caregiving, disability, education, health, and ordinary life planning.

Predictable scheduling and overtime protections are foundational to worker stability; arbitrary scheduling and hour manipulation are coercive tools that must be regulated.

LABR-HRSS-0005 Included

Employers may not rely on unstable on-call scheduling

This position prohibits employers from using unpredictable on-call shifts, chronic under-scheduling, or wildly fluctuating hours as a tool to control workers — unless workers receive compensation and legal safeguards in return.

Employers may not rely on unstable on-call scheduling, chronic under-hours, or shift volatility as a structural control mechanism without compensation and safeguards.

Predictable scheduling and overtime protections are foundational to worker stability; arbitrary scheduling and hour manipulation are coercive tools that must be regulated.

LABR-HRSS-0006 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Workers may not be penalized or disadvantaged for not responding to employer communications outside scheduled work hours; off-hours work performed at employer direction must be compensated at overtime rates

This position requires employers to define your work hours in writing, and prohibits penalizing workers for not responding to calls, messages, or emails outside those hours. Any work done outside scheduled hours at a supervisor's direction counts as overtime and must be compensated at the overtime rate — and employers cannot contract around this protection.

All employers must establish and maintain written policies defining scheduled work hours for each worker. Workers may not be penalized, disciplined, subjected to negative performance evaluation, passed over for advancement, or otherwise disadvantaged for failing or declining to respond to work communications — including calls, messages, emails, or platform alerts — outside their defined scheduled hours. Work performed outside scheduled hours at the explicit or implicit direction of a supervisor or employer constitutes compensable work time under the FLSA and must be compensated at the applicable overtime rate. Retaliation against workers who enforce disconnect rights triggers liquidated damages equal to all unpaid compensation plus reasonable attorney fees. Employers may not contract around this protection through individual employment agreements or policy waivers.

The "always on" work culture enabled by mobile technology has erased the boundary between scheduled work and personal time without corresponding compensation, constituting de facto unpaid overtime on a massive scale. France (2017), Portugal (2021), Belgium (2022), and Australia (2024) have enacted statutory right-to-disconnect protections; the absence of a U.S. federal standard means workers bear the full burden of employer communications technology at no cost to the employer. The FLSA's compensable time standards technically require payment for employer-directed off-hours work, but enforcement is effectively absent without explicit statutory right-to-disconnect provisions creating affirmative worker protections.

LABR-COES-0001 Included

Employers may not use economic dependency, scheduling control

This position prohibits employers from using financial pressure, scheduling power, or benefit threats to coerce workers into accepting unfair conditions — your employer cannot hold your livelihood hostage to demand compliance.

Employers may not use economic dependency, scheduling control, or benefit withholding to coerce workers into accepting unfair conditions.

Economic dependency and coercive employer leverage—through healthcare lock-in, non-competes, and benefit control—restrict worker freedom and suppress wages.

LABR-COES-0002 Included

Workers must have meaningful ability to leave employment

This position ensures that workers can actually leave a bad job without facing impossible obstacles — like non-compete clauses, retaliation threats, or losing essential benefits simply for seeking better work elsewhere.

Workers must have meaningful ability to leave employment without undue barriers, including non-compete restrictions, retaliation, or loss of essential benefits.

Economic dependency and coercive employer leverage—through healthcare lock-in, non-competes, and benefit control—restrict worker freedom and suppress wages.

LABR-CLSS-0001 Included

Worker classification must reflect actual working conditions and

This position requires that how a worker is classified — employee, contractor, or otherwise — reflect the real working relationship, and prohibits employers from manipulating labels to avoid paying benefits or providing legal protections.

Worker classification must reflect actual working conditions and may not be manipulated to avoid providing benefits or protections.

Worker misclassification is systematic and intentional; treating it as a serious violation with real penalties is necessary to prevent corporations from using contract labels to evade all labor obligations.

LABR-CLSS-0002 Included

Misclassification of employees as independent contractors must be

This position treats the misclassification of employees as independent contractors as a serious legal violation with enforcement penalties — not a minor paperwork error to be quietly corrected.

Misclassification of employees as independent contractors must be treated as a serious violation with enforcement and penalties.

Worker misclassification is systematic and intentional; treating it as a serious violation with real penalties is necessary to prevent corporations from using contract labels to evade all labor obligations.

LABR-CLSS-0003 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Willful misclassification of employees as independent contractors must be federal wage theft: criminal penalties for responsible officers, treble damages, a non-waivable private right of action, and class action certification

This position designates the willful misclassification of employees as federal wage theft, carrying criminal penalties for executives who authorize it, triple damages for affected workers, class action rights, and joint liability for companies that knowingly benefit from misclassified labor. No statute of limitations applies when the employer actively concealed the misclassification.

Willful misclassification of a worker who qualifies as an employee under the applicable federal standard must be designated a form of federal wage theft subject to: (a) criminal penalties for corporate officers, directors, or senior managers who direct, authorize, or ratify willful misclassification schemes, including fines and imprisonment of up to five years per willful violation affecting ten or more workers; (b) civil liability of three times the wages, benefits, and tax contributions wrongfully withheld per misclassified worker, without offset for amounts received as a contractor; (c) an explicit, non-waivable private right of action for affected workers, with a four-year statute of limitations running from discovery, reasonable attorney fee-shifting, and the right to proceed as a collective or class action; (d) joint and several liability of any entity that knowingly benefits from misclassified labor, including client companies using staffing agencies or platforms to supply misclassified workers; (e) a public DOL database of employers found to have engaged in willful misclassification. No statute of limitations may be invoked where the employer actively concealed the misclassification.

Willful misclassification simultaneously strips workers of minimum wage, overtime, workers' compensation, unemployment insurance, employer payroll tax contributions, and collective bargaining rights. It is not a classification ambiguity — it is a structural decision to externalize labor costs onto workers and the public tax base. The Economic Policy Institute estimates misclassification costs the federal government and states billions in unpaid payroll taxes annually while denying workers access to the safety net they help fund through misclassified earnings.

LABR-COLS-0001 Included

Workers have the right to organize, unionize, and

This position guarantees workers the right to form a union, join one, and negotiate collectively over their pay and working conditions — without fear of retaliation or employer interference.

Workers have the right to organize, unionize, and engage in collective bargaining without retaliation or interference.

Collective bargaining is the primary counterweight to concentrated capital; protecting and expanding collective rights is essential to restoring worker power.

LABR-COLS-0002 Included

Employers may not engage in union-busting, intimidation, or

This position prohibits employers from engaging in union-busting, intimidation, or any effort to interfere with workers who are trying to organize and act collectively.

Employers may not engage in union-busting, intimidation, or interference with worker organization efforts.

Collective bargaining is the primary counterweight to concentrated capital; protecting and expanding collective rights is essential to restoring worker power.

LABR-COLS-0003 Included

Workers must have a real, enforceable ability to

This position requires that your right to organize and bargain together be real and enforceable — not just a technicality that employers can frustrate with delays and legal tactics.

Workers must have a real, enforceable ability to organize and bargain collectively without interference, delay, or coercion.

Collective bargaining is the primary counterweight to concentrated capital; protecting and expanding collective rights is essential to restoring worker power.

LABR-COLS-0004 Included

Collective bargaining is a fundamental counterbalance to concentrated

This position holds that collective bargaining is a vital check on the power of large employers and must be protected as a core labor right — not a privilege that employers can choose to respect or ignore.

Collective bargaining is a fundamental counterbalance to concentrated economic power and must be protected as a core labor right.

Collective bargaining is the primary counterweight to concentrated capital; protecting and expanding collective rights is essential to restoring worker power.

LABR-COLS-0005 Included

Collective bargaining rights must apply across all sectors

This position extends collective bargaining rights to all types of workers — including gig workers, contractors, and those in non-traditional arrangements — so that no one can be excluded from organizing based on how their job is structured.

Collective bargaining rights must apply across all sectors, including gig workers, contractors, and non-traditional employment arrangements.

Collective bargaining is the primary counterweight to concentrated capital; protecting and expanding collective rights is essential to restoring worker power.

LABR-COLS-0006 Included

Legal barriers that prevent workers from organizing based

This position requires removing legal barriers that prevent workers from organizing simply because of their job classification or the industry they work in.

Legal barriers that prevent workers from organizing based on classification or sector must be removed.

Collective bargaining is the primary counterweight to concentrated capital; protecting and expanding collective rights is essential to restoring worker power.

LABR-COLS-0007 Included

Public-sector workers must have the right to organize

This position guarantees government workers the right to organize and bargain collectively, with appropriate safeguards for truly essential services where strikes could cause serious public harm.

Public-sector workers must have the right to organize and bargain collectively with appropriate safeguards for essential services.

Collective bargaining is the primary counterweight to concentrated capital; protecting and expanding collective rights is essential to restoring worker power.

LABR-COLS-0008 Included

Restrictions on collective action in essential services must

This position holds that any restrictions on collective action in essential services — such as limits on striking — must be narrowly drawn and paired with real alternative dispute-resolution options, so workers are not left without bargaining power.

Restrictions on collective action in essential services must be narrowly tailored and paired with alternative dispute-resolution mechanisms.

Collective bargaining is the primary counterweight to concentrated capital; protecting and expanding collective rights is essential to restoring worker power.

LABR-SFTS-0001 Included

Employers must provide safe working conditions and may

This position requires employers to maintain safe workplaces and prohibits them from exposing workers to preventable harm or hazardous conditions.

Employers must provide safe working conditions and may not expose workers to preventable harm.

Workplace safety is a fundamental obligation; retaliation protections ensure workers can report hazards without fear, while employer accountability prevents preventable harm.

LABR-SFTS-0002 Included

Workers must have the right to report unsafe

This position guarantees workers the right to report unsafe conditions on the job and to refuse dangerous work — without fear of being fired, disciplined, or penalized for speaking up.

Workers must have the right to report unsafe conditions and refuse dangerous work without retaliation.

Workplace safety is a fundamental obligation; retaliation protections ensure workers can report hazards without fear, while employer accountability prevents preventable harm.

LABR-SFTS-0003 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Willful OSHA violations causing worker death must be felonies with a minimum 10-year sentence; corporate officers must face personal criminal liability; OSHA penalties must survive bankruptcy

This position makes any willful OSHA violation that kills a worker a felony with a minimum 10-year prison sentence. Corporate officers who knew about the hazard face personal criminal liability. OSHA penalties survive bankruptcy so companies cannot escape accountability through restructuring.

Congress must amend OSH Act Section 17 (29 U.S.C. § 666) to: (a) classify any willful violation of an OSHA standard or regulation that causes the death of one or more workers as a Class C felony, with a minimum sentence of 10 years imprisonment and a maximum of 20 years, replacing the current maximum of six months; (b) impose personal criminal liability on any corporate officer, director, or senior manager who had actual or constructive knowledge of the hazardous condition and failed to abate it, without requiring the government to pierce the corporate veil; (c) require any OSHA penalty issued against an employer to survive bankruptcy proceedings, treating OSHA obligations as non-dischargeable priority claims in any bankruptcy; (d) eliminate the requirement of a prior conviction for enhanced civil penalties; (e) authorize OSHA to issue emergency temporary standards in response to newly identified grave dangers without completing full notice-and-comment rulemaking, subject to judicial review. Workers harmed by willful violations retain a private right of action for compensatory and punitive damages independent of any criminal prosecution.

The current OSH Act Section 17 maximum criminal penalty for willful violations causing a worker's death is six months — the weakest criminal penalty in federal regulatory law, lower than for harassing a wild burro on federal land. The AFL-CIO has documented over 100,000 workplace deaths since the current penalty structure was set in 1970 with no legislative increase. Criminal accountability for workplace fatalities requires penalties proportional to the harm; the current framework treats a worker's death as a civil compliance matter rather than a serious crime requiring deterrence through the criminal law.

LABR-SFTS-0004 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Employers must assess and mitigate workplace psychosocial hazards under the OSH Act; workers' compensation must achieve full mental health parity with physical occupational injury claims

This position requires employers with 50 or more workers to assess and address mental health hazards on the job — like chronic overwork, understaffing, harassment, or trauma exposure — and to provide free, confidential mental health resources. Workers' compensation must cover job-related mental health conditions on the same terms as physical injuries, and reporting psychosocial hazards is protected from retaliation.

OSHA must promulgate a standard requiring employers with 50 or more employees to: (a) conduct biennial psychosocial hazard assessments covering excessive workload, chronic understaffing, workplace harassment and bullying, job insecurity, lack of autonomy, and traumatic incident exposure; (b) develop and implement written mitigation plans for identified hazards with annual review; (c) provide confidential mental health resources accessible to all workers at no cost-sharing. Workers' compensation programs under federal jurisdiction must achieve full mental health parity: (d) mental health conditions arising from workplace psychosocial hazards must be compensable on the same terms as physical occupational injuries; (e) workers may not be required to satisfy heavier evidentiary or procedural burdens to establish compensability for mental health claims than for physical injury claims; (f) retaliation against any worker for reporting psychosocial hazards or filing a mental health workers' compensation claim must trigger the same remedies as retaliation for physical safety complaints under OSH Act Section 11(c).

Workplace psychosocial hazards — chronic overwork, harassment, insecurity, and lack of worker autonomy — are documented causes of anxiety, depression, burnout, and cardiovascular disease. The World Health Organization classifies work-related stress as a significant global occupational health problem; the United States lacks any OSHA standard addressing psychosocial hazards despite OSHA's statutory mandate to address all occupational health. Workers' compensation mental health exclusions and heightened proof requirements effectively deny coverage for some of the most widespread and economically significant workplace harms, disproportionately affecting service sector workers and caregivers.

LABR-TRAN-0001 Included

Employers must disclose key employment conditions, including wages

This position requires employers to tell workers upfront about the key terms of their job — wages, schedule, benefits, and any monitoring or surveillance practices — so there are no hidden surprises after you've started.

Employers must disclose key employment conditions, including wages, schedules, benefits, and surveillance practices.

Transition support and training access are essential for workers displaced by automation, platform changes, or restructuring—ensuring that economic change does not impose its full cost on workers alone.

LABR-TRAN-0002 Included

Economic transition systems must be designed to support

This position holds that when the economy shifts, workers should not bear the cost of changes they did not cause — transition systems must be designed to support worker stability, not punish people for market forces beyond their control.

Economic transition systems must be designed to support worker stability rather than punish workers for market changes beyond their control.

Transition support and training access are essential for workers displaced by automation, platform changes, or restructuring—ensuring that economic change does not impose its full cost on workers alone.

LABR-TRAN-0003 Included

Employers and platforms that materially displace labor through

This position holds that employers and platforms that eliminate jobs through automation or restructuring should contribute to worker retraining and transition support — the costs of technological progress should not fall entirely on the workers displaced by it.

Employers and platforms that materially displace labor through automation or restructuring should contribute to worker transition and retraining systems.

Transition support and training access are essential for workers displaced by automation, platform changes, or restructuring—ensuring that economic change does not impose its full cost on workers alone.

LABR-ENFL-0001 Included

Labor law violations must be subject to meaningful

This position requires that violations of labor law carry real consequences — including financial penalties, restitution to harmed workers, and mandatory corrective action — not just warnings.

Labor law violations must be subject to meaningful enforcement, including penalties, restitution, and corrective action.

Labor law without strong enforcement is merely aspirational; meaningful penalties, accessible reporting mechanisms, and agency independence convert rights into reality.

LABR-ENFL-0002 Included

Workers must have accessible mechanisms to report violations

This position guarantees that workers can actually report violations and seek remedies through accessible channels — without facing retaliation for speaking up about what was done to them.

Workers must have accessible mechanisms to report violations and seek redress without retaliation.

Labor law without strong enforcement is merely aspirational; meaningful penalties, accessible reporting mechanisms, and agency independence convert rights into reality.

LABR-ENFL-0003 Included

Labor enforcement agencies must have sufficient authority, funding

This position requires that the government agencies responsible for enforcing labor law have enough funding, authority, and independence to actually do their job — they cannot be defunded or hamstrung into uselessness.

Labor enforcement agencies must have sufficient authority, funding, and independence to enforce collective bargaining rights effectively.

Labor law without strong enforcement is merely aspirational; meaningful penalties, accessible reporting mechanisms, and agency independence convert rights into reality.

LABR-ENFL-0004 Included

Repeated violations of labor rights must trigger escalating

This position requires that employers who repeatedly break labor law face escalating consequences — including restrictions on government contracts — rather than treating violations as an acceptable cost of doing business.

Repeated violations of labor rights must trigger escalating penalties, including operational restrictions or loss of government contracts.

Labor law without strong enforcement is merely aspirational; meaningful penalties, accessible reporting mechanisms, and agency independence convert rights into reality.

LABR-ENFL-0005 Included

Workers must have private rights of action to

This position ensures that workers can sue to enforce their collective bargaining rights themselves when public enforcement agencies are not getting the job done.

Workers must have private rights of action to enforce collective bargaining rights where public enforcement is insufficient.

Labor law without strong enforcement is merely aspirational; meaningful penalties, accessible reporting mechanisms, and agency independence convert rights into reality.

LABR-ENFL-0006 Included

Labor enforcement agencies must have authority to investigate

This position requires enforcement agencies to have the authority to investigate labor violations, bring charges, and pursue accountability not only against corporations but against the individual executives and managers who directed the violations.

Labor enforcement agencies must have authority to investigate, prosecute, and pursue both organizational and individual liability for labor violations.

Labor law without strong enforcement is merely aspirational; meaningful penalties, accessible reporting mechanisms, and agency independence convert rights into reality.

LABR-ENFL-0007 Included

Labor rights must be enforceable through public enforcement

This position ensures labor rights are enforceable through multiple channels — government action, individual lawsuits, collective remedies, and strong anti-retaliation protections — so workers always have a real path to justice.

Labor rights must be enforceable through public enforcement, private rights of action, collective remedies, and meaningful anti-retaliation protections.

Labor law without strong enforcement is merely aspirational; meaningful penalties, accessible reporting mechanisms, and agency independence convert rights into reality.

LABR-ENFL-0008 Included

Repeat labor violators must be subject to escalating

This position requires that repeat labor lawbreakers face escalating consequences — including heavy fines, restitution, personal liability for leaders, loss of government contracts, and structural intervention when ordinary penalties are not working.

Repeat labor violators must be subject to escalating remedies including fines, restitution, leadership liability, contracting restrictions, and structural intervention where appropriate.

Labor law without strong enforcement is merely aspirational; meaningful penalties, accessible reporting mechanisms, and agency independence convert rights into reality.

LABR-ENFL-0009 Included

Labor systems must be evaluated for real-world outcomes

This position requires that labor systems be judged by real-world outcomes — like whether wages are growing, workers can organize, and exploitation is declining — not just whether companies filed the right paperwork.

Labor systems must be evaluated for real-world outcomes including wage growth benefit access worker stability organizing success and reduction of exploitation rather than nominal compliance alone.

Labor law without strong enforcement is merely aspirational; meaningful penalties, accessible reporting mechanisms, and agency independence convert rights into reality.

LABR-UNNS-0001 Included

Union formation processes must be timely, transparent, and

This position requires that forming a union be fast and fair — free from employer delay tactics and procedural manipulation — so workers can organize when they choose to without years of obstruction.

Union formation processes must be timely, transparent, and free from employer interference or delay tactics.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0002 Included

Employers may not delay, challenge, or obstruct union

This position prohibits employers from using procedural tricks or legal maneuvering to drag out, challenge, or derail a union election once workers have begun organizing.

Employers may not delay, challenge, or obstruct union elections through procedural tactics or legal maneuvering.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0003 Included

Where a majority of workers demonstrate support through

This position requires that when a majority of workers demonstrate they want a union — through verified means — union recognition must happen promptly without unnecessary bureaucratic delay.

Where a majority of workers demonstrate support through verified means, union recognition must occur without unnecessary delay.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0004 Included

Workers must have the option to form unions

This position gives workers the option to form a union simply by signing authorization cards — a majority-sign-up method — rather than being forced through a prolonged formal election process.

Workers must have the option to form unions through majority sign-up or equivalent mechanisms without requiring prolonged election processes.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0005 Included

Employers may not engage in union-busting practices, including

This position prohibits employers from engaging in union-busting tactics — including intimidating workers, forcing them to attend anti-union meetings, surveilling organizing activity, or sending coercive messages designed to discourage organizing.

Employers may not engage in union-busting practices, including intimidation, captive-audience meetings, surveillance, or coercive messaging.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0006 Included

Retaliation against workers for organizing activity, including firing

This position requires that any employer who retaliates against workers for organizing — by firing them, disciplining them, or cutting their hours — face immediate enforcement and real legal remedies.

Retaliation against workers for organizing activity, including firing, discipline, or scheduling manipulation, must trigger immediate enforcement and remedies.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0007 Included

Violations of union rights must carry meaningful penalties

This position requires that penalties for violating union rights be serious enough to actually deter employers — not nominal fines that large companies simply absorb as the cost of fighting unions.

Violations of union rights must carry meaningful penalties sufficient to deter repeated abuse, not nominal fines.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0008 Included

Employers may not fragment workforces, misclassify roles, or

This position prohibits employers from splitting up their workforce, relabeling jobs, or restructuring the company specifically to avoid collective bargaining obligations.

Employers may not fragment workforces, misclassify roles, or restructure organizations to avoid collective bargaining obligations.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0009 Included

Multi-entity corporate structures may not be used to

This position prohibits the use of corporate structures — such as subsidiaries, franchises, or shell companies — as shields to escape collective bargaining responsibilities.

Multi-entity corporate structures may not be used to evade responsibility for collective bargaining or labor standards.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0010 Included

Workers must have access to communication channels to

This position guarantees workers the ability to communicate with each other about organizing — through digital platforms and physical spaces at work — without employer interference or monitoring.

Workers must have access to communication channels to organize, including digital and physical spaces, without employer interference.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0011 Included

Employers may not restrict lawful communication among workers

This position prohibits employers from restricting or punishing lawful communication among workers related to organizing, solidarity, or collective action.

Employers may not restrict lawful communication among workers related to organizing or collective action.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0012 Included

Individuals who direct, authorize, or knowingly participate in

This position holds that executives, managers, and anyone who directs or knowingly participates in union-busting can be held personally liable — not just the company they work for.

Individuals who direct, authorize, or knowingly participate in union-busting or violations of collective bargaining rights may be held personally liable.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0013 Included

Personal liability applies to executives, managers, HR personnel

This position extends personal liability for unlawful anti-union conduct to executives, managers, HR personnel, outside consultants, and any other agents acting on an employer's behalf — protecting workers from the full chain of command.

Personal liability applies to executives, managers, HR personnel, consultants, and any agents acting on behalf of an employer who engage in or direct unlawful anti-union conduct.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0014 Included

Use of third-party firms, consultants, or intermediaries does

This position prevents companies from hiding behind outside consultants or union-busting firms to escape responsibility — hiring a third party to do the dirty work does not shield anyone from liability.

Use of third-party firms, consultants, or intermediaries does not shield individuals or organizations from liability for union-busting activity.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0015 Included

Prohibited conduct includes retaliation, intimidation, coercion, surveillance, interference

This position identifies specific prohibited conduct: firing or punishing workers for organizing, threatening or coercing them, surveilling their activities, interfering with organizing efforts, and spreading lies to prevent workers from unionizing.

Prohibited conduct includes retaliation, intimidation, coercion, surveillance, interference with organizing, and dissemination of knowingly false or misleading information to prevent unionization.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0016 Included

Individuals found liable for union-busting may be subject

This position holds that individuals found personally responsible for union-busting can face civil fines, be ordered to pay restitution to harmed workers, and be liable for damages.

Individuals found liable for union-busting may be subject to civil penalties, including fines, restitution, and damages.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0017 Included

Civil penalties must be scaled to deter misconduct

This position requires that civil penalties for labor violations be large enough to actually stop bad behavior — not fixed at amounts so low that large companies barely notice them.

Civil penalties must be scaled to deter misconduct and may not be limited to nominal amounts.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0018 Included

Willful, repeated, or egregious violations of labor rights

This position holds that intentional, repeated, or especially egregious labor violations — including organized union-busting campaigns — can lead to criminal charges, not just civil fines.

Willful, repeated, or egregious violations of labor rights, including coordinated union-busting efforts, may be subject to criminal penalties.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0019 Included

Criminal liability must require clear evidence of intent

This position holds that criminal liability for labor violations requires clear proof of intent or knowing disregard for workers' rights — reckless indifference to workers' legal rights also qualifies.

Criminal liability must require clear evidence of intent, knowledge, or reckless disregard for worker rights.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0020 Included

Individuals may not evade liability through corporate structures

This position prohibits individuals from escaping personal responsibility for labor violations by hiding behind corporate structures, delegating illegal acts to subordinates, or exercising only indirect control over the unlawful conduct.

Individuals may not evade liability through corporate structures, delegation, or indirect control of unlawful labor practices.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0021 Included

Individuals found liable for serious labor violations may

This position holds that individuals found responsible for serious labor violations can be barred from serving in executive, managerial, or fiduciary roles at companies going forward.

Individuals found liable for serious labor violations may be subject to restrictions on serving in executive, managerial, or fiduciary roles.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0022 Included

Financial penalties for union-busting violations must be substantial

This position requires that fines for union-busting be large, scalable, and genuinely punishing — not small enough for companies to treat them as a routine cost of keeping unions out.

Financial penalties for union-busting violations must be substantial, scalable, and designed to deter misconduct rather than be absorbed as a cost of doing business.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0023 Included

Penalties must be tied to company size and

This position requires that penalties scale with the size of the violating company — including as a percentage of revenue, profit, or payroll — so that large employers cannot make fines disappear in their accounting.

Penalties must be tied to company size and capacity, including a percentage of revenue, profit, or payroll, rather than fixed nominal amounts.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0024 Included

Large firms may not face reduced effective penalties

This position prohibits large companies from receiving reduced effective penalties just because of their scale — fine structures must increase proportionally so that bigger companies face bigger real consequences.

Large firms may not face reduced effective penalties due to scale; fine structures must increase proportionally with company size and impact.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0025 Included

Each act of retaliation, interference, or unlawful conduct

This position holds that each separate act of retaliation, interference, or illegal conduct is its own violation — employers cannot lump multiple acts together to reduce the total penalty.

Each act of retaliation, interference, or unlawful conduct constitutes a separate violation subject to independent penalties.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0026 Included

Ongoing violations must trigger daily or periodic escalating

This position requires that ongoing, unresolved violations trigger daily or periodic escalating fines — the longer an employer refuses to comply, the more it costs.

Ongoing violations must trigger daily or periodic escalating fines until compliance is achieved.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0027 Included

Repeat or patterned violations must trigger enhanced penalties

This position holds that employers who repeatedly violate labor law face multiplied fines, increased oversight, and potential restrictions on their operations — not just the same penalty applied again and again.

Repeat or patterned violations must trigger enhanced penalties, including multiplier fines, increased oversight, and potential operational restrictions.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0028 Included

Persistent noncompliance may result in structural remedies, including

This position holds that persistent refusal to comply with labor law can result in structural limits on a company — including restrictions on expanding, entering contracts, or participating in markets.

Persistent noncompliance may result in structural remedies, including limits on expansion, contracting, or market participation.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0029 Included

Workers harmed by union-busting must receive full restitution

This position requires that workers harmed by union-busting receive full restitution — including their lost wages, benefits, damages, and the right to get their job back where applicable.

Workers harmed by union-busting must receive full restitution, including back pay, lost benefits, damages, and reinstatement where applicable.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0030 Included

Remedies must account for chilling effects on organizing

This position requires that remedies for union-busting address not just the direct financial harm to individual workers, but also the broader chilling effect that intimidation has on every worker who considered organizing.

Remedies must account for chilling effects on organizing, not only direct financial harm.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0031 Included

Firms found to have engaged in serious or

This position holds that companies with a serious or repeated record of union-busting can be disqualified from receiving government contracts, subsidies, or tax incentives.

Firms found to have engaged in serious or repeated union-busting may be restricted from receiving government contracts, subsidies, or tax incentives.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0032 Included

Labor violations and penalties must be publicly disclosed

This position requires that labor violations and the penalties imposed for them be reported publicly in an accessible format — including tracking of repeat offenders — so the public can hold companies accountable.

Labor violations and penalties must be publicly disclosed in accessible formats, including repeat-offender tracking.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0033 Included

Settlements may not eliminate accountability for systemic or

This position prevents companies from using private settlements to escape accountability for systematic or repeated labor violations — any settlement must include real corrective actions that can be independently enforced.

Settlements may not eliminate accountability for systemic or repeated violations and must include enforceable corrective actions.

Union rights and personal liability for union-busting create the deterrent and the legal structure necessary for workers to organize without facing overwhelming employer resistance.

LABR-UNNS-0034 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Congress must enact card check union recognition: a union demonstrating majority support through verified authorization cards must be certified without a separate NLRB election; first contracts not reached within 120 days must proceed to binding arbitration

This position requires Congress to enact card check union recognition: when a majority of workers sign verified authorization cards, the union is certified without a separate NLRB election. If a first contract is not reached within 120 days, binding arbitration kicks in automatically. Workers fired during an organizing campaign must be reinstated by court order within 30 days of a charge being filed.

Congress must amend the NLRA to: (a) require the NLRB to certify a union as the exclusive bargaining representative when a majority of workers in a proposed unit have signed authorization cards verified by the NLRB or an approved independent third party — replacing the secret-ballot election as the default recognition mechanism; (b) preserve a secret-ballot election option only upon a showing of credible evidence of fraud or coercion in card collection, filed within 15 days of a certification petition; (c) require employers to commence good-faith bargaining within 10 days of certification; (d) if the parties have not reached a first collective bargaining agreement within 120 days of certification, require binding interest arbitration by a panel of three neutral arbitrators, with the resulting contract effective for at least two years; (e) make the 120-day arbitration trigger mandatory rather than requiring mutual agreement, eliminating the employer veto over arbitration access; (f) require the NLRB to seek an immediate federal court injunction reinstating any worker discharged or disciplined during an organizing campaign within 30 days of a charge being filed, pending full resolution.

The gap between organizing support and union recognition is the primary channel through which employer opposition destroys campaigns. Economic Policy Institute research found that in more than 40% of union election campaigns employers commit illegal unfair labor practices, and that the median time from election petition to first contract exceeds three years when employers drag out each stage. Card check eliminates the extended election window during which employers concentrate anti-union pressure; mandatory 120-day arbitration prevents the equally common tactic of bargaining to impasse to exhaust newly certified unions before any contract is reached.

LABR-UNNS-0035 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Mandatory employer anti-union meetings must be explicitly prohibited by federal statute; workers must be able to leave without penalty; unions must receive equal workplace access when employers communicate about organizing

This position requires Congress to ban captive audience meetings — employers may not force workers to attend meetings where the employer pushes anti-union views, and workers who decline cannot be penalized. If an employer communicates with workers about unionization, the union receives equal paid access to worker audiences of equal size and duration. Each violation carries a $10,000 fine, and workers or unions can sue directly.

Congress must amend the NLRA to expressly: (a) prohibit employers from requiring workers to attend any meeting, session, or communication — including one-on-one supervisory meetings — whose primary purpose is to express the employer's views on unionization, collective bargaining, or union representation; (b) provide that any worker who declines to attend or who leaves such a meeting may not be disciplined, receive a negative evaluation, have hours reduced, or suffer any other adverse action; (c) if an employer communicates with workers about unionization during an organizing campaign or before a scheduled NLRB election, grant the union equal paid access to worker audiences of equivalent size and duration in the same workplace during working hours; (d) prohibit supervisors from initiating one-on-one conversations with workers about unionization during the organizing period unless initiated by the worker; (e) make each instance of prohibited captive audience conduct a separate unfair labor practice under NLRA Section 8(a)(1), with civil penalties of $10,000 per instance and a private right of action by the union or any affected worker.

Captive audience meetings — mandatory employer-led anti-union sessions held on paid time — are among the most effective and widely used union suppression tools, documented in a majority of organizing campaigns. The NLRB under the current statutory framework has been unable to prohibit mandatory attendance, relying on the Supreme Court's broad employer speech protections in NLRB v. Gissel Packing Co., 395 U.S. 575 (1969), despite the fundamentally coercive nature of mandatory attendance in an employment relationship. Only statutory intervention can close the gap between employer free speech rights and workers' rights to organize free from coercion.

LABR-UNNS-0036 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Congress must reform Taft-Hartley to permit secondary boycotts and solidarity strikes in integrated supply chain relationships where the secondary employer shares ownership, operational control, or derives substantial revenue from the primary dispute employer

This position requires Congress to reform the Taft-Hartley Act to allow secondary boycotts and solidarity strikes when the targeted company shares ownership, supply chain ties representing more than 20% of its revenue, or subcontracting relationships with the primary dispute employer. Restrictions on genuinely independent businesses with no supply chain connection to the dispute are preserved.

Congress must amend 29 U.S.C. § 158(b)(4) and § 158(e) (Taft-Hartley Act secondary boycott prohibitions) to: (a) repeal the prohibition on secondary boycotts and secondary picketing as applied to situations in which the secondary employer and the primary employer share common economic ownership or management, are parties to a supply chain relationship in which the secondary employer derives more than 20% of its revenues from or through the primary employer, or are subcontractors or franchisors in a network where labor conditions are substantially determined by the primary party; (b) permit solidarity strikes and sympathy actions by workers at any employer in an integrated supply chain when workers at a primary employer are engaged in lawful strike action; (c) repeal the prohibition on "hot cargo" agreements as applied to supply chain solidarity in construction, agriculture, food processing, and retail sectors where supply chain leverage is the principal means of effective collective pressure; (d) preserve existing secondary boycott prohibitions against genuinely independent enterprises with no supply chain, ownership, or operational relationship to the primary dispute; (e) ensure that union-to-union solidarity communication and consumer boycott coordination in supply chain contexts are not treated as secondary boycott violations.

Taft-Hartley's 1947 secondary boycott prohibitions were designed to limit labor's ability to use supply chain solidarity as a collective bargaining tool — an asymmetry that has grown more severe as corporate supply chains have become more integrated. Modern gig platforms, franchise networks, and supply chain structures are specifically engineered to fragment the employer-worker relationship across multiple legal entities, making secondary boycott prohibitions a structural barrier to effective collective action against what operates as a single integrated economic enterprise. Workers in the primary employer relationship have the most to lose from a dispute but the least leverage when the employer's supply chain is legally shielded from solidarity action.

LABR-CBAS-0001 Included

Employers must engage in good-faith bargaining following union

This position requires employers to bargain in good faith with a newly recognized union — they cannot stall indefinitely, delay negotiations, or refuse to work toward a real first contract.

Employers must engage in good-faith bargaining following union recognition and may not delay or avoid reaching an initial agreement.

Collective bargaining agreements must be enforceable and include sectoral standards to prevent a race to the bottom that undermines workers across entire industries.

LABR-CBAS-0002 Included

Failure to reach a first contract within a

This position holds that if an employer and union cannot reach a first contract within a defined period, there must be a formal mechanism — such as mediation or binding arbitration — to get workers a contract rather than leaving them in limbo.

Failure to reach a first contract within a defined period must trigger mediation, arbitration, or binding resolution mechanisms.

Collective bargaining agreements must be enforceable and include sectoral standards to prevent a race to the bottom that undermines workers across entire industries.

LABR-CBAS-0003 Included

Collective bargaining systems should include sectoral or industry-wide

This position supports creating industry-wide or sectoral bargaining systems that set minimum standards for entire sectors — so all workers in an industry benefit from collective bargaining, not just those whose specific employer was organized.

Collective bargaining systems should include sectoral or industry-wide frameworks to establish baseline standards across employers.

Collective bargaining agreements must be enforceable and include sectoral standards to prevent a race to the bottom that undermines workers across entire industries.

LABR-CBAS-0004 Included

Sectoral agreements may set minimum standards for wages

This position holds that industry-wide bargaining agreements can set the floor on wages, benefits, scheduling, safety, and working conditions across an entire sector — lifting standards for everyone.

Sectoral agreements may set minimum standards for wages, benefits, scheduling, safety, and working conditions across entire industries.

Collective bargaining agreements must be enforceable and include sectoral standards to prevent a race to the bottom that undermines workers across entire industries.

LABR-CBAS-0005 Included

Sectoral bargaining structures must include representation for workers

This position requires that when bargaining takes place across a full industry, workers, employers, and voices representing the broader public all have meaningful seats at the table.

Sectoral bargaining structures must include representation for workers, employers, and public-interest stakeholders.

Collective bargaining agreements must be enforceable and include sectoral standards to prevent a race to the bottom that undermines workers across entire industries.

LABR-CBAS-0006 Included

Collective bargaining must include wages, benefits, scheduling, workplace

This position requires that collective bargaining cover the full range of issues that affect your job — including your paycheck, schedule, workplace conditions, surveillance practices, and job security.

Collective bargaining must include wages, benefits, scheduling, workplace conditions, surveillance practices, and job security.

Collective bargaining agreements must be enforceable and include sectoral standards to prevent a race to the bottom that undermines workers across entire industries.

LABR-CBAS-0007 Included

Workers must have the ability to bargain over

This position gives workers the right to negotiate with their employer over the introduction of automation, new technology, and restructuring — so workers are not blindsided by changes that eliminate or transform their jobs.

Workers must have the ability to bargain over automation, technological change, and restructuring that affects employment.

Collective bargaining agreements must be enforceable and include sectoral standards to prevent a race to the bottom that undermines workers across entire industries.

LABR-CBAS-0008 Included

Collective agreements must be enforceable, with mechanisms for

This position requires that collective bargaining agreements be legally enforceable, with mechanisms for resolving disputes, going to arbitration, and monitoring whether both sides are living up to what they agreed to.

Collective agreements must be enforceable, with mechanisms for dispute resolution, arbitration, and compliance monitoring.

Collective bargaining agreements must be enforceable and include sectoral standards to prevent a race to the bottom that undermines workers across entire industries.

LABR-CBAS-0009 Included

Violations of collective agreements must result in meaningful

This position requires that when employers violate a collective bargaining agreement, workers receive meaningful remedies — including restitution and penalties — not just a symbolic acknowledgment that a rule was broken.

Violations of collective agreements must result in meaningful remedies, including restitution and penalties.

Collective bargaining agreements must be enforceable and include sectoral standards to prevent a race to the bottom that undermines workers across entire industries.

LABR-CBAS-0010 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Congress must establish a federal Sectoral Bargaining Board to set binding industry-wide wage floors and conditions for sectors employing more than 500,000 workers

This position requires Congress to establish a federal Sectoral Bargaining Board with authority to set binding wage floors and working conditions for any industry employing more than 500,000 workers — raising the floor for entire sectors of the economy.

Current U.S. labor law under the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) limits collective bargaining to individual employer units — workers at a single worksite negotiate only with that employer, never with the industry. This enterprise-bargaining model systematically disadvantages workers in fragmented industries where employers can undercut any union contract by shifting work to non-union facilities. Most peer nations use sectoral bargaining, in which industry-wide negotiations between employer associations and worker representatives establish binding minimum standards that apply to every employer in the sector, union or non-union. Germany's sectoral framework covers approximately 60% of workers through binding collective agreements; Denmark's system achieves near-universal coverage. Countries with sectoral bargaining consistently show lower wage dispersion and better outcomes for low-wage workers than the U.S. enterprise-only model.[1] Congress must establish: (a) a tripartite Sectoral Bargaining Board with equal representation from organized labor, employer associations, and public-interest designees confirmed by the Senate; (b) the Board has authority to establish binding sectoral minimum standards — including wage floors, maximum regular hours, overtime triggers, minimum scheduling notice periods, and baseline safety protocols — for any industry defined by NAICS two-digit code that employs more than 500,000 workers nationwide; (c) sectoral standards apply to all employers in the covered sector regardless of whether their workers are unionized, preventing a race to the bottom; (d) firm-level collective bargaining agreements may set standards above — but never below — the sectoral floor; (e) sectoral standards are reviewed triennially and automatically adjusted for inflation between reviews; (f) worker petitions signed by at least 30,000 workers in a sector trigger mandatory Board review within 180 days; (g) enforcement is through NLRB administrative proceedings with back-pay, penalties, and debarment from federal contracts for willful violators. No structural reform would do more to raise wages in low-union-density industries than breaking the enterprise-bargaining monopoly that allows employers to whipsaw workers against each other.

  1. Madland, D. (2021). The future of worker voice and power. Center for American Progress. https://www.americanprogress.org/article/future-worker-voice-power/
  2. National Labor Relations Act, 29 U.S.C. §§ 151–169 (1935).
LABR-PLTS-0001 Included

Workers managed by algorithms, platforms, or automated systems

This position guarantees workers who are managed by apps, algorithms, or automated systems the right to collectively bargain over their pay, conditions, and how those systems govern their working lives.

Workers managed by algorithms, platforms, or automated systems must have the right to collectively bargain over pay, conditions, and algorithmic governance.

Platform workers face algorithmic control equivalent to employment but receive none of the protections; extending collective bargaining and transparency rights closes this governance gap.

LABR-PLTS-0002 Included

Platforms may not use algorithmic control, opacity, or

This position prohibits platforms from using algorithmic control, lack of transparency about how decisions are made, or classification manipulation to prevent workers from organizing together.

Platforms may not use algorithmic control, opacity, or classification structures to prevent collective organization.

Platform workers face algorithmic control equivalent to employment but receive none of the protections; extending collective bargaining and transparency rights closes this governance gap.

LABR-PLTS-0003 Included

Workers must have the right to transparency and

This position gives workers the right to understand how the algorithms affecting their pay, scheduling, and access to work actually operate — and to have a meaningful voice in shaping those systems.

Workers must have the right to transparency and input into algorithmic decision-making affecting wages, scheduling, or access to work.

Platform workers face algorithmic control equivalent to employment but receive none of the protections; extending collective bargaining and transparency rights closes this governance gap.

LABR-AINL-0001 Included

AI systems used in employment must preserve logs

This position requires that AI systems used in employment preserve decision logs and scoring records in enough detail for workers to challenge decisions that affect them and for regulators to audit for violations.

AI systems used in employment must preserve logs, scoring logic, and decision records sufficient for worker challenge, audit, and enforcement.

AI systems in employment create new forms of coercion and opacity that existing labor law does not address; audit requirements and challenge rights protect workers from algorithmic harm.

LABR-AINL-0002 Included

AI systems affecting hiring, pay, scheduling, productivity, discipline

This position requires that any AI system affecting your hiring, pay, schedule, productivity review, discipline, or termination be independently audited and continuously monitored for bias, coercive patterns, and illegal labor practices.

AI systems affecting hiring, pay, scheduling, productivity, discipline, or discharge must be independently audited and continuously monitored for bias, coercion, and unlawful labor practices.

AI systems in employment create new forms of coercion and opacity that existing labor law does not address; audit requirements and challenge rights protect workers from algorithmic harm.

LABR-AINL-0003 Included

Employment AI may not move from assistive use

This position prohibits moving an AI tool from a helpful support function to one that makes binding employment decisions without strong legal safeguards, disclosure to affected workers, and independent oversight.

Employment AI may not move from assistive use to delegated decision use without heightened legal safeguards, disclosure, and independent review.

AI systems in employment create new forms of coercion and opacity that existing labor law does not address; audit requirements and challenge rights protect workers from algorithmic harm.

LABR-AUTS-0001 Included

Employers must provide meaningful notice, consultation, and transition

This position requires employers to give workers meaningful advance notice, real consultation, and transition planning before making major automation or restructuring decisions that could eliminate or fundamentally change jobs.

Employers must provide meaningful notice, consultation, and transition planning before major automation or restructuring that materially affects employment.

Automation without worker input or transition support shifts all the economic gains from technological change to capital while imposing costs on workers and communities.

LABR-AUTS-0002 Included

Workers and their representatives must have the right

This position guarantees workers and their union representatives the right to bargain over automation, AI deployment, deskilling, and changes in how productivity is measured — so technology serves workers rather than simply replacing them.

Workers and their representatives must have the right to bargain over automation, AI deployment, deskilling, and productivity restructuring.

Automation without worker input or transition support shifts all the economic gains from technological change to capital while imposing costs on workers and communities.

LABR-AUTS-0003 Included

Automation may not be used as a pretext

This position prohibits employers from using automation as a cover to escape labor standards, weaken union power, or force displaced workers to absorb all the costs of technological change on their own.

Automation may not be used as a pretext to evade labor standards, suppress bargaining, or externalize transition costs onto workers alone.

Automation without worker input or transition support shifts all the economic gains from technological change to capital while imposing costs on workers and communities.

LABR-BENS-0001 Included

Workers must have reliable access to core benefits

This position guarantees every worker reliable access to core benefits — healthcare, paid leave, retirement savings, unemployment protection, and disability protection — regardless of what type of job they have or how their employer is structured.

Workers must have reliable access to core benefits including healthcare leave retirement protection unemployment protection and disability protection regardless of job type or employer structure.

Benefits tied to a single employer create coercive dependency; portable and continuous benefits allow workers to change jobs, care for family, and weather transitions without losing essential protections.

LABR-BENS-0002 Included

Essential worker protections and benefits may not depend

This position prohibits structuring essential worker protections so that they depend entirely on keeping one specific job — that kind of dependency traps workers in bad situations rather than protecting them.

Essential worker protections and benefits may not depend entirely on a single employer relationship where that dependency creates precarity or coercion.

Benefits tied to a single employer create coercive dependency; portable and continuous benefits allow workers to change jobs, care for family, and weather transitions without losing essential protections.

LABR-BENS-0003 Included

Benefit systems must be designed to support continuity

This position requires that benefit systems be designed to follow workers through job changes, multiple jobs, temporary work, gig work, and employment gaps — not disappear every time your work situation changes.

Benefit systems must be designed to support continuity through job change, multiple-job work, temporary work, gig work, and periods of transition.

Benefits tied to a single employer create coercive dependency; portable and continuous benefits allow workers to change jobs, care for family, and weather transitions without losing essential protections.

LABR-BENS-0004 Included

Portable benefit systems should allow workers to accrue

This position supports portable benefit systems that let workers build up vacation time, healthcare coverage, and retirement savings that travel with them from job to job or platform to platform.

Portable benefit systems should allow workers to accrue and carry benefits across employers, platforms, contracts, and periods of self-employment.

Benefits tied to a single employer create coercive dependency; portable and continuous benefits allow workers to change jobs, care for family, and weather transitions without losing essential protections.

LABR-BENS-0005 Included

Employers and platforms must contribute proportionally to portable

This position requires employers and platforms to contribute to portable benefit systems in proportion to the work performed and value extracted — the more they benefit from your labor, the more they must contribute.

Employers and platforms must contribute proportionally to portable benefit systems based on labor performed and value extracted.

Benefits tied to a single employer create coercive dependency; portable and continuous benefits allow workers to change jobs, care for family, and weather transitions without losing essential protections.

LABR-BENS-0006 Included

Portable benefits may not be used as a

This position prohibits using portable benefit systems as a loophole to deny workers employee status — offering portable benefits does not justify misclassifying someone who should legally be an employee.

Portable benefits may not be used as a pretext to deny employee classification where employee status otherwise applies.

Benefits tied to a single employer create coercive dependency; portable and continuous benefits allow workers to change jobs, care for family, and weather transitions without losing essential protections.

LABR-BENS-0007 Included

Benefit portability systems must be standardized, transparent, and

This position requires that portable benefit systems be standardized, clearly explained, and genuinely easy for workers to understand and access — not buried in technical fine print.

Benefit portability systems must be standardized, transparent, and easy for workers to access and understand.

Benefits tied to a single employer create coercive dependency; portable and continuous benefits allow workers to change jobs, care for family, and weather transitions without losing essential protections.

LABR-BENS-0008 Included

Access to healthcare should not depend on retaining

This position holds that your access to healthcare should not depend on keeping a particular job — losing or leaving work should not mean immediately losing health coverage.

Access to healthcare should not depend on retaining a specific job, employer, or employment classification.

Benefits tied to a single employer create coercive dependency; portable and continuous benefits allow workers to change jobs, care for family, and weather transitions without losing essential protections.

LABR-BENS-0009 Included

Employment transitions, layoffs, reduced hours, or platform deactivation

This position prohibits job transitions, layoffs, reduced hours, or platform deactivations from immediately cutting off essential health coverage — continuity protections must bridge the gap so workers are not left uninsured overnight.

Employment transitions, layoffs, reduced hours, or platform deactivation may not cause immediate loss of essential health coverage without continuity protections.

Benefits tied to a single employer create coercive dependency; portable and continuous benefits allow workers to change jobs, care for family, and weather transitions without losing essential protections.

LABR-BENS-0010 Included

Labor policy should reduce coercive dependence on employer-tied

This position supports reducing workers' forced dependence on employer-tied healthcare by building toward universal systems, portable options, or other mechanisms that keep you covered regardless of your employment status.

Labor policy should reduce coercive dependence on employer-tied healthcare by supporting universal systems, portable systems, or equivalent continuity mechanisms.

Benefits tied to a single employer create coercive dependency; portable and continuous benefits allow workers to change jobs, care for family, and weather transitions without losing essential protections.

LABR-GIGS-0001 Included

Workers performing labor through platforms or digital systems

This position guarantees full labor protections to workers who do their jobs through apps or digital platforms — regardless of what classification label the platform places on them.

Workers performing labor through platforms or digital systems are entitled to full labor protections regardless of classification structure.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0002 Included

Employment classification must reflect the reality of control

This position requires that worker classification reflect the actual reality of the working relationship — how much control the employer has, how economically dependent you are — not just what a contract labels you.

Employment classification must reflect the reality of control, dependency, and economic relationship rather than contractual labels.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0003 Included

Workers must be classified as employees where the

This position requires that workers be classified as employees — with all the protections that status carries — when the platform controls their pricing, access to work, performance reviews, or working conditions.

Workers must be classified as employees where the platform or employer controls pricing, access to work, performance evaluation, or working conditions.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0004 Included

Independent contractor classification is permitted only where workers

This position permits independent contractor classification only when workers genuinely set their own prices, choose their own clients, control their own schedule, and determine how they do their work.

Independent contractor classification is permitted only where workers retain genuine autonomy over pricing, clients, scheduling, and methods of work.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0005 Included

Misclassification to avoid wages, benefits, or protections must

This position treats misclassification — labeling someone a contractor to avoid paying wages, benefits, or legal protections — as a serious violation with real penalties and restitution for the workers who were shortchanged.

Misclassification to avoid wages, benefits, or protections must be treated as a serious violation with penalties and restitution.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0006 Included

Platform workers must receive compensation that meets or

This position requires that platform workers earn at least minimum wage after all of their actual time, out-of-pocket costs, and waiting periods are factored in — not just on the trips or tasks completed.

Platform workers must receive compensation that meets or exceeds minimum wage standards after accounting for time, expenses, and waiting periods.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0007 Included

Pay calculations must include all working time, including

This position requires that pay calculations include all of your working time — including time waiting for an assignment, traveling to a pickup, or sitting idle because the platform paused work.

Pay calculations must include all working time, including waiting, travel, and platform-controlled downtime.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0008 Included

Workers must be reimbursed for necessary work-related expenses

This position requires platforms and employers to reimburse workers for necessary work-related expenses like fuel, vehicle maintenance, equipment, and depreciation — workers should not be subsidizing their employer's business costs out of their own paycheck.

Workers must be reimbursed for necessary work-related expenses, including fuel, maintenance, equipment, and depreciation where applicable.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0009 Included

Platforms must provide clear, real-time information about pay

This position requires platforms to show you your expected pay, all fees, and any deductions in real time — before you accept a job — so you always know what you will actually be paid.

Platforms must provide clear, real-time information about pay, fees, deductions, and expected compensation before work is accepted.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0010 Included

Workers must have access to detailed earnings records

This position guarantees workers access to detailed earnings records and clear explanations of how their pay was calculated, so they can spot errors or shortchanging.

Workers must have access to detailed earnings records and explanations of compensation calculations.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0011 Included

Workers subject to algorithmic management must have the

This position guarantees workers managed by algorithms the right to know how decisions affecting their pay, schedule, and access to work are actually being made — the algorithm cannot be a black box.

Workers subject to algorithmic management must have the right to transparency regarding how decisions affecting pay, scheduling, and access to work are made.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0012 Included

Algorithmic systems may not be used to impose

This position prohibits platforms from using algorithmic systems to impose hidden penalties, manipulate workers' behavior, or create conditions that feel coercive rather than genuinely free.

Algorithmic systems may not be used to impose hidden penalties, manipulate behavior, or create coercive working conditions.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0013 Included

Workers must have the right to contest, appeal

This position gives workers the right to contest, appeal, and demand a human review of any automated decision that affects their income — algorithms are not the last word on your livelihood.

Workers must have the right to contest, appeal, and receive human review of automated decisions affecting their livelihood.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0014 Included

Platforms may not suspend, deactivate, or restrict worker

This position prohibits platforms from cutting off or restricting a worker's access to income without a clear stated reason, meaningful advance notice, and a real opportunity to appeal.

Platforms may not suspend, deactivate, or restrict worker access to income without clear cause, notice, and opportunity for appeal.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0015 Included

Automated deactivations must be subject to human review

This position requires that when an algorithm recommends deactivating a worker, a human being must review that decision and apply due process protections before it takes effect.

Automated deactivations must be subject to human review and due process protections.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0016 Included

Platforms may not use behavioral nudges, gamification, or

This position prohibits platforms from using psychological tricks — game-like rewards, artificial urgency, or hidden incentives — to pressure workers into unsafe, excessive, or unfair work patterns.

Platforms may not use behavioral nudges, gamification, or opaque incentives to pressure workers into unsafe, excessive, or unfair work patterns.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0017 Included

Workers must have the ability to reject work

This position guarantees workers the ability to turn down a job or task without any further penalty beyond simply not getting paid for that particular opportunity.

Workers must have the ability to reject work without penalty beyond the immediate loss of that opportunity.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0018 Included

Gig and platform workers have the right to

This position guarantees gig and platform workers the right to form a union, organize, and bargain collectively — regardless of how the platform classifies them.

Gig and platform workers have the right to organize, unionize, and bargain collectively regardless of classification status.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0019 Included

Platforms may not classify workers in ways that

This position prohibits platforms from using classification systems to block workers from exercising their collective bargaining and organizing rights.

Platforms may not classify workers in ways that prevent or restrict collective bargaining rights.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0020 Included

Workers must have access to and control over

This position guarantees workers access to and control over the data a platform has collected about them — including ratings, performance metrics, and work history — so they understand how they're being evaluated.

Workers must have access to and control over their work-related data, including ratings, performance metrics, and history.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0021 Included

Workers must be able to transfer relevant work

This position gives workers the right to take their work history, ratings, and professional reputation with them when they move to a different platform, where technically feasible.

Workers must be able to transfer relevant work history and reputation data between platforms where feasible.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0022 Included

Rating systems must be transparent, fair, and protected

This position requires that platform rating systems be transparent, fair, and protected from arbitrary or biased use that could reduce a worker's income or access to assignments.

Rating systems must be transparent, fair, and protected against arbitrary or biased use that impacts worker access to income.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0023 Included

Workers must have the ability to challenge inaccurate

This position gives workers the right to challenge ratings that are inaccurate, made in bad faith, or are the product of discrimination.

Workers must have the ability to challenge inaccurate, malicious, or discriminatory ratings.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0024 Included

Platform workers must have access to benefits including

This position requires that platform workers have access to healthcare, paid leave, and unemployment protections — through employer responsibility, portable benefit systems, or public programs — not just earnings with no safety net.

Platform workers must have access to benefits including healthcare, leave, and unemployment protections through employer responsibility, portable benefits systems, or public programs.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0025 Included

Benefits systems must be designed to follow workers

This position holds that benefit systems must be designed to follow workers across platforms and employment types — so benefits do not disappear when you switch apps or juggle multiple gig jobs.

Benefits systems must be designed to follow workers across platforms and employment types.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0026 Included

Platforms may not manipulate availability, visibility, or scheduling

This position prohibits platforms from manipulating work availability, worker visibility, or scheduling in ways that artificially limit your income or force you into dependent positions you did not freely choose.

Platforms may not manipulate availability, visibility, or scheduling in ways that create artificial scarcity or coercive dependence.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0027 Included

Platforms may not restructure, reclassify, or redesign systems

This position prohibits platforms from restructuring, relabeling, or redesigning their systems specifically to escape labor protections or dodge enforcement.

Platforms may not restructure, reclassify, or redesign systems to evade labor protections or enforcement.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0028 Included

Labor laws must be enforced against platforms with

This position requires that labor laws be enforced against gig platforms with the same seriousness as against traditional employers — including financial penalties, restitution, and structural remedies.

Labor laws must be enforced against platforms with the same rigor as traditional employers, including penalties, restitution, and structural remedies.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0029 Included

Repeated violations by platforms may trigger operational restrictions

This position holds that platforms that repeatedly violate labor law can face restrictions on their operations, limits on market access, or structural intervention by regulators.

Repeated violations by platforms may trigger operational restrictions, market access limitations, or structural intervention.

Gig workers face all the control of employment with none of the protections; extending full labor rights to platform workers closes the most significant classification loophole of the modern economy.

LABR-GIGS-0030 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Congress must codify the ABC test as the exclusive federal standard for worker classification, making misclassification a per se FLSA violation with per-worker civil penalties

This position requires Congress to make the ABC test the only federal legal standard for classifying workers — workers are presumed to be employees unless the employer proves all three prongs of the test — and treats any failure to meet that standard as an automatic wage law violation carrying civil penalties for each affected worker.

The gig platform business model depends systematically on classifying workers as independent contractors to avoid minimum wage, overtime, workers' compensation, unemployment insurance, and collective bargaining obligations. Existing multi-factor "economic realities" tests under the FLSA are inconsistently applied and frequently manipulated by employers through contract drafting. California's AB5 (2019) codified the stricter ABC test from Dynamex Operations West, Inc. v. Superior Court, 4 Cal. 5th 903 (2018): a worker is an employee unless the hiring entity demonstrates that (A) the worker is free from the control and direction of the entity in connection with the performance of work, both under contract and in fact; (B) the work is outside the usual course of the hiring entity's business; and (C) the worker is customarily engaged in an independently established trade or business of the same nature as the work performed. Failure of any single prong means employee status — no balancing, no weighing, no case-by-case discretion.[1] Congress must: (a) codify the ABC test in the Fair Labor Standards Act as the exclusive standard for determining employee status for FLSA, NLRA, and federal tax withholding purposes, superseding any conflicting multi-factor test; (b) designate misclassification of a worker who satisfies employee status under the ABC test as a per se FLSA violation subject to civil penalties of $10,000 per misclassified worker per calendar year of misclassification; (c) extend ABC-test employee status to NLRA coverage so that reclassified workers immediately acquire collective bargaining rights; (d) require all hiring entities engaging more than 25 workers classified as independent contractors to submit annual classification certifications to the DOL, verified by an independent auditor; (e) make willful misclassification an actionable predicate for civil RICO liability where it is part of a systematic pattern; (f) prohibit any state ballot initiative or referendum from exempting a platform or industry from the federal ABC test classification standard. Uber and Lyft spent more than $200 million to pass California's Proposition 22 (2020) exempting rideshare companies from AB5 — the largest ballot initiative expenditure in California history — demonstrating that the industry's economic model cannot survive proper worker classification without regulatory carve-outs.[2]

  1. U.S. Department of Labor. (2024). Employee or independent contractor classification under the Fair Labor Standards Act (89 Fed. Reg. 1638). https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2024/01/10/2024-00067/
  2. Economic Policy Institute. (2022). Independent contractor misclassification imposes large costs on workers and federal and state treasuries. https://www.epi.org/publication/independent-contractor-misclassification/
  3. California Assembly Bill 5 (AB5), Cal. Lab. Code § 2775 (2019).
LABR-GIGS-0031 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Gig platforms with more than 1,000 active workers must fund portable healthcare, retirement, and paid leave accounts for those workers, prorated to earnings, regardless of employment classification

This position requires gig platforms with more than 1,000 active workers to contribute at least 8% of each worker's gross earnings to healthcare coverage, 3% to retirement savings, and 2% to paid leave — in a worker-directed portable benefits account — regardless of how workers are classified. Contributions must be made within 30 days of each earning period, and disputes over classification do not suspend the obligation.

Any digital labor platform that dispatches, coordinates, or intermediates services delivered by more than 1,000 workers in any 12-month period — regardless of how those workers are classified — must: (a) contribute to a worker-directed Portable Benefits Trust an amount equal to at least 8% of each worker's gross platform earnings for healthcare coverage, 3% for retirement savings, and 2% for paid leave benefits; (b) ensure contributions are made within 30 days of each earning period; (c) allow each worker to direct benefit contributions to any licensed portable benefits carrier or benefits trust meeting federal minimum standards; (d) not treat portable benefits contributions as a factor in setting platform payment rates or service fees; (e) report contributions to the IRS and DOL on behalf of each worker annually; (f) the threshold of 1,000 workers applies in aggregate to any controlled group of entities operating under common ownership. Classification challenges may not be used to suspend contribution obligations during litigation.

The growth of gig platform labor has created a large class of workers who bear all the economic risk of self-employment while exercising little actual independence from platform algorithmic direction. Tying benefit eligibility exclusively to employment classification allows platforms to operate large, structured labor networks at scale while externalizing all social insurance costs onto workers and the public social safety net. Portable benefits decoupled from classification status address the access gap without requiring resolution of every classification dispute, ensuring workers have baseline protections while legal classification questions are resolved.

LABR-GOVN-0001 Included

Workers should have meaningful representation in firm governance

This position holds that when major business decisions about pay, safety, scheduling, automation, or job security directly affect workers' lives, workers should have a meaningful voice in how those decisions are made — not just receive notice after the fact.

Workers should have meaningful representation in firm governance where firm decisions materially affect wages, safety, scheduling, surveillance, automation, or long-term employment stability.

Worker representation in firm governance gives workers meaningful influence over decisions that directly affect their wages, safety, and job security.

LABR-GOVN-0002 Included

Large firms may be required to include worker

This position holds that large companies may be required by law to include worker representatives on their boards or governing bodies — giving the people who do the work real input into decisions that shape their working lives.

Large firms may be required to include worker representation on boards or equivalent governing bodies.

Worker representation in firm governance gives workers meaningful influence over decisions that directly affect their wages, safety, and job security.

LABR-GOVN-0003 Included

Worker governance mechanisms must be structured to provide

This position requires that worker governance mechanisms provide genuine influence over corporate decisions — not symbolic consultation that management can ignore without consequence.

Worker governance mechanisms must be structured to provide real influence rather than symbolic consultation.

Worker representation in firm governance gives workers meaningful influence over decisions that directly affect their wages, safety, and job security.

LABR-OWNS-0001 Included

Labor policy should promote worker ownership, cooperative enterprise

This position supports policies that encourage worker ownership of businesses, employee-run cooperatives, worker equity stakes, and shared governance models — so the people doing the work can also share in owning and running the enterprise.

Labor policy should promote worker ownership, cooperative enterprise models, employee equity participation, and shared-governance systems.

Worker ownership and profit-sharing ensure that productivity gains from labor are shared with those who create them, rather than captured entirely by capital.

LABR-OWNS-0002 Included

Governments should support formation and scaling of worker

This position requires governments to actively support the creation and growth of worker cooperatives and employee-owned firms — through financing, technical assistance, and legal structures — rather than simply allowing them to exist without support.

Governments should support formation and scaling of worker cooperatives, employee-owned firms, and community-rooted enterprises through financing, technical support, and legal structures.

Worker ownership and profit-sharing ensure that productivity gains from labor are shared with those who create them, rather than captured entirely by capital.

LABR-OWNS-0003 Included

Workers should have pathways to ownership transition when

This position gives workers a real pathway to take over ownership of a business when it is being sold, closed, or transferred — especially when a closure would devastate the surrounding community.

Workers should have pathways to ownership transition when businesses are sold, closed, or transferred, especially where closure would harm local communities.

Worker ownership and profit-sharing ensure that productivity gains from labor are shared with those who create them, rather than captured entirely by capital.

LABR-OWNS-0004 Included

Workers should share in gains from productivity, automation

This position holds that workers should share in the gains from higher productivity, automation, and long-term company success — through profit sharing, gain sharing, equity, or similar mechanisms — not just watch those gains flow upward to executives and shareholders.

Workers should share in gains from productivity, automation, and long-term firm success through profit sharing, gain sharing, equity participation, or similar mechanisms.

Worker ownership and profit-sharing ensure that productivity gains from labor are shared with those who create them, rather than captured entirely by capital.

LABR-OWNS-0005 Included

Compensation systems may not allocate the overwhelming majority

This position prohibits compensation systems that funnel almost all productivity gains to executives and capital holders while leaving workers with stagnant wages and growing economic insecurity.

Compensation systems may not allocate the overwhelming majority of productivity gains to executives or capital holders while leaving workers with stagnant wages and insecurity.

Worker ownership and profit-sharing ensure that productivity gains from labor are shared with those who create them, rather than captured entirely by capital.

LABR-OWNS-0006 Included

Public incentives, procurement, or tax benefits may be

This position permits government contracts, tax benefits, or public incentives to be made conditional on companies adopting broad-based worker profit sharing or ownership participation programs.

Public incentives, procurement, or tax benefits may be tied to broad-based worker profit sharing or ownership participation.

Worker ownership and profit-sharing ensure that productivity gains from labor are shared with those who create them, rather than captured entirely by capital.

LABR-RETS-0001 Included

Workers must have access to retirement-saving systems that

This position guarantees workers access to retirement savings systems that are portable, clearly explained, and do not require continuous employment with a single employer to build up — so changing jobs does not mean starting over.

Workers must have access to retirement-saving systems that are portable, transparent, and not dependent on continuous employment with a single employer.

Portable retirement systems ensure that workers with interrupted careers, multiple employers, or gig work histories can still build retirement security across their working lives.

LABR-RETS-0002 Included

Retirement systems must be designed to protect workers

This position requires retirement systems to work for workers with uneven career paths — including people who changed jobs often, worked multiple part-time gigs, took time off to care for family, or did platform-based work.

Retirement systems must be designed to protect workers with interrupted careers, multiple jobs, caregiving periods, or platform-based work histories.

Portable retirement systems ensure that workers with interrupted careers, multiple employers, or gig work histories can still build retirement security across their working lives.

LABR-WRKS-0001 Included

LAB|WRK|Establish a standard 4-day 32-hour work week without

This position calls for establishing a standard 4-day, 32-hour work week without any reduction in pay — so workers get more time for their health, family, and lives without losing income.

LAB|WRK|Establish a standard 4-day 32-hour work week without reduction in pay|MISSING

Shorter work weeks and overtime protections reflect the principle that productivity gains should reduce worker burden, not simply increase output extraction.

LABR-WRKS-0002 Included

LAB|WRK|Productivity gains from AI and automation must benefit

This position holds that when AI and automation make workers more productive, those gains should translate into shorter working hours for workers — not a heavier workload imposed on the same number of people for the same pay.

LAB|WRK|Productivity gains from AI and automation must benefit workers through reduced working hours rather than increased workload|MISSING

Shorter work weeks and overtime protections reflect the principle that productivity gains should reduce worker burden, not simply increase output extraction.

LABR-WRKS-0003 Included

LAB|WRK|Guarantee overtime pay protections for all workers including

This position guarantees overtime pay protections for all workers — including salaried employees — above defined hour or salary thresholds, with appropriate safeguards to prevent employers from reclassifying workers to dodge these rules.

LAB|WRK|Guarantee overtime pay protections for all workers including salaried employees subject to defined thresholds and safeguards|MISSING

Shorter work weeks and overtime protections reflect the principle that productivity gains should reduce worker burden, not simply increase output extraction.

LAB NCP — Non-Compete Reform 0/3 active
LABR-NCPS-0001 Proposed

Non-compete agreements for non-senior workers must be banned or strictly limited

This position bans or strictly limits non-compete agreements for workers below the senior executive level — an estimated 30 million workers are currently subject to these agreements, which suppress wages and trap people in jobs without any legitimate competitive justification.

Non-compete agreements must be banned or strictly limited for workers below senior executive level, as approximately 30 million workers—roughly one in five—are subject to non-compete agreements that suppress wages and limit job mobility without legitimate competitive justification.

LABR-NCPS-0002 Proposed

No-poach and non-solicitation agreements may not function as de facto non-competes

This position holds that no-poach agreements between employers and non-solicitation clauses must face the same strict scrutiny as non-competes — employers may not use these tools to achieve through the back door what is prohibited through the front.

No-poach agreements between employers, non-solicitation clauses, and other contractual restrictions on worker mobility must be subject to the same standards as non-competes and may not be used to achieve through other means what is prohibited as a non-compete.

LABR-NCPS-0003 Proposed

Workers must have enforceable damages claims for unlawful mobility restrictions

This position gives workers whose job prospects or wages were suppressed by unlawful non-compete, no-poach, or mobility-restriction agreements the right to sue and recover damages, with legal fees paid by the employer who violated the law.

Workers who suffer wage suppression or lost job opportunities due to unlawful or unenforceable non-compete, no-poach, or mobility-restriction agreements must have private rights of action with fee-shifting to recover damages.

LABR-NCPS-0004 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Congress must enact a statutory ban on non-compete agreements to replace the vacated FTC rule, with treble damages and attorney fees for attempted enforcement

This position requires Congress to pass a federal law banning non-compete agreements — replacing an FTC rule that was struck down in court — with treble damages and attorney fees paid by any employer who attempts to enforce one against a worker.

The FTC's 2024 rule banning most non-compete agreements (16 C.F.R. Part 910) was the most significant federal labor market reform in decades — the FTC found that elimination of non-competes would increase American workers' earnings by $250 to $296 billion annually. A federal district court vacated the rule in Ryan LLC v. Federal Trade Commission, No. 3:24-cv-00986-E (N.D. Tex. Aug. 20, 2024), holding that the FTC lacked statutory authority for such an expansive prohibition under the major-questions doctrine.[1] The court's ruling was not a determination that non-competes are lawful or beneficial — it was a directive to Congress to act. Congress must act. Congress must enact a statute providing: (a) non-compete agreements for any worker earning less than three times the federal minimum wage are void and unenforceable as a matter of federal law and public policy, regardless of any state law permitting enforcement; (b) non-compete agreements for any worker who is not a "bona fide senior executive" — defined as an officer with final policymaking authority and annual compensation exceeding $151,164 (2024 threshold) — are void and unenforceable; (c) a permissible senior executive non-compete may not exceed 12 months in duration and must include full base salary continuation by the employer throughout the restricted period; the employer bears the burden of proving that the agreement satisfies all elements; (d) any employer that attempts to enforce a void non-compete agreement — including through litigation, threats of litigation, or cease-and-desist letters — is liable to the worker for treble compensatory damages plus reasonable attorney fees; (e) state laws providing stricter limits on non-compete enforcement are not preempted; federal law establishes a floor, not a ceiling; (f) employers must provide conspicuous written notice of any non-compete clause in a proposed employment agreement at least 14 days before the worker is required to sign, with a right to consult independent counsel. The FTC found that approximately 30 million workers — one in five — are subject to non-compete agreements, including fast food workers, security guards, and child care workers where no legitimate trade secret interest exists.

  1. Federal Trade Commission. (2024). Non-compete clause rule (16 C.F.R. Part 910). https://www.ftc.gov/legal-library/browse/rules/non-compete-rule
  2. Ryan LLC v. Federal Trade Commission, No. 3:24-cv-00986-E (N.D. Tex. Aug. 20, 2024).
LABR-NCPS-0005 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Horizontal wage-fixing and no-poach agreements between competing employers must be designated per se Sherman Act violations, with criminal prosecution and a worker private right of action

This position requires treating wage-fixing deals and no-poach agreements between competing employers as automatic violations of antitrust law under the Sherman Act — subject to criminal prosecution and a direct private right of action for affected workers.

Horizontal agreements between competing employers to suppress wages, to coordinate compensation bands through third-party data intermediaries, or to refrain from recruiting each other's workers harm labor market competition in precisely the same manner that cartel price-fixing harms consumers. The DOJ Antitrust Division has prosecuted wage-fixing criminally — including United States v. Surgical Care Affiliates, LLC (N.D. Tex. 2021) and related healthcare no-poach prosecutions — establishing amenability to criminal prosecution under Sherman Act § 1. However, ambiguity about the standard of proof for criminal wage-fixing conspiracy has produced inconsistent jury outcomes. Congress must eliminate that ambiguity by statute.[1] Congress must: (a) amend 15 U.S.C. § 1 to expressly designate horizontal wage-fixing agreements — including agreements to fix, cap, or coordinate employee compensation at or below a set level — and employer no-poach agreements — agreements between competing employers not to recruit, solicit, or hire each other's workers — as per se violations of the Sherman Act, removing any rule-of-reason defense; (b) direct the DOJ Antitrust Division and FTC to designate wage-fixing and no-poach prosecutions as enforcement priorities and to maintain a dedicated human resources antitrust unit; (c) create a private right of action for workers harmed by wage-fixing or no-poach agreements, with treble compensatory damages, reasonable attorney fees, and a four-year statute of limitations running from discovery of the violation; (d) grant state attorneys general concurrent enforcement authority to bring civil actions on behalf of affected workers; (e) mandate criminal prosecution — not civil settlement — as the default remedy for proven horizontal wage-fixing conspiracies involving employers with more than $500 million in annual revenue; (f) require that any corporate antitrust compliance program include training on HR antitrust as a condition of eligibility for any cooperation credit or leniency in antitrust investigations. These reforms treat suppression of worker wages through employer cartel behavior as the serious antitrust violation it is — not as a civil HR compliance matter but as a criminal offense against workers and competitive labor markets.

  1. DOJ Antitrust Division. (2022). Antitrust guidance for human resources professionals. https://www.justice.gov/atr/file/903511/download
  2. Sherman Antitrust Act, 15 U.S.C. § 1 (1890).
LAB DOM — Domestic Worker Protections 0/3 active
LABR-DOMS-0001 Proposed

Domestic workers must be covered by full labor law protections including NLRA rights

This position requires that domestic workers — including nannies, housekeepers, home health aides, and household employees — receive full coverage under federal labor law, closing exclusions that have historically left these workers, predominantly women of color, without legal protections.

Domestic workers—including nannies, housekeepers, home health aides, and household employees—must receive full coverage under the National Labor Relations Act, Fair Labor Standards Act, and equivalent state laws, removing the exclusions rooted in New Deal-era racial compromise.

LABR-DOMS-0002 Proposed

Domestic workers must have written contracts, rest period rights, and retaliation protection

This position requires that domestic workers receive written employment agreements, enforceable rest and overtime rights, and full protection from retaliation when they assert their legal rights on the job.

Domestic workers must receive written employment agreements specifying compensation, duties, and conditions; must have enforceable rest period and overtime rights; and must be protected from retaliation for asserting their legal rights.

LABR-DOMS-0003 Proposed

Home care workers are entitled to workers’ compensation and social insurance coverage

This position requires that home care workers and personal care assistants be covered by workers' compensation, unemployment insurance, and Social Security on the same terms as any other worker — regardless of whether their employer is a private household or a government program.

Home care workers, personal care assistants, and domestic employees must be covered by workers' compensation, unemployment insurance, and social security systems on the same terms as other workers, regardless of whether their direct employer is an individual household or a government program.

LABR-DOMS-0004 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Congress must amend the NLRA and FLSA to extend full collective bargaining and overtime protections to agricultural workers, closing exclusions rooted in Jim Crow-era racial compromise

This position requires Congress to extend full collective bargaining and overtime protections to agricultural workers under the NLRA and FLSA — removing exclusions that were originally written into law as part of a Jim Crow-era racial compromise with Southern legislators.

The 1935 National Labor Relations Act and the 1938 Fair Labor Standards Act both explicitly excluded agricultural workers from core labor protections. These exclusions were not neutral policy choices — they were the price Southern Democrats extracted for supporting New Deal legislation: exclude the industries where Black workers in the South were most heavily concentrated, and preserve the racial labor hierarchy of the Jim Crow economy. Agricultural workers today — disproportionately Latino immigrants and migrant workers — continue to bear the material consequences of that 90-year-old compromise. They have no federal right to organize, no federal overtime protection, and weaker OSHA protections than workers in virtually any other sector.[1] Congress must: (a) amend NLRA § 2(3) (29 U.S.C. § 152(3)) to delete the exclusion of "agricultural laborers," giving all farm workers the same right to organize and collectively bargain as workers in any other industry; (b) amend FLSA § 13 (29 U.S.C. § 213) to eliminate the overtime exemption for agricultural workers and bring their overtime protections — including the 40-hour threshold and time-and-a-half rate — to full parity with non-agricultural workers; (c) extend OSHA General Industry Standards to all agricultural worksites, eliminating the separate and less protective agricultural safety regulations that currently apply; (d) direct the United States to ratify ILO Convention No. 189 on Decent Work for Domestic Workers (2011) and ILO Convention No. 184 on Safety and Health in Agriculture (2001), neither of which the United States has ratified; (e) provide that H-2A and H-2B temporary agricultural workers have full NLRA and FLSA rights and may not have their visas revoked or face immigration enforcement as retaliation for exercising labor rights — such retaliation constitutes both an unfair labor practice subject to NLRB jurisdiction and a federal civil rights violation; (f) fund a dedicated DOL Wage and Hour Division enforcement unit for agricultural worksites, with mandatory annual inspection of any employer housing or transporting 50 or more H-2A workers. The exclusion of agricultural workers from federal labor law is not a technical oversight — it is a structural racial injustice that demands explicit statutory repudiation.[2]

  1. National Labor Relations Act, 29 U.S.C. § 152(3) (1935); Fair Labor Standards Act, 29 U.S.C. § 213(b)(12) (1938).
  2. ILO Convention No. 184, Safety and Health in Agriculture Convention (2001). https://www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/en/f?p=NORMLEXPUB:12100:0::NO::P12100_ILO_CODE:C184
LAB PRL — Prison Labor and Forced Labor Prohibition 0/3 active
LABR-PRLS-0001 Proposed

Prison labor may not be compelled without fair compensation

This position holds that incarcerated people may not be forced to work without pay that bears a real relationship to the value of their labor — the 13th Amendment's punishment exception cannot be used to authorize unpaid or near-zero-pay forced work that enriches private companies.

Incarcerated workers performing labor may not be compelled to work without compensation bearing a reasonable relationship to the value of their labor, and the Thirteenth Amendment exception for punishment for crime may not be construed to authorize unpaid or token-compensated forced labor for private benefit.

LABR-PRLS-0002 Proposed

Prison labor performed for private corporate benefit must receive fair market wages

This position requires that when incarcerated workers do work for private corporations — through labor contracts, work release, or similar programs — they must be paid the prevailing wage for equivalent work outside prison walls.

Labor performed by incarcerated workers for private corporations, whether through prison labor contracting, work release programs, or any other arrangement, must be compensated at the prevailing wage for equivalent work in the relevant labor market.

LABR-PRLS-0003 Proposed

Supply chains must be audited for and free of forced labor at all tiers

This position requires larger corporations to audit their entire supply chain for forced labor, prison labor, and coerced work at every tier — and to publicly report what they find, with timelines for remediation.

Corporations with revenues above defined thresholds must audit their supply chains for forced labor, prison labor, and labor performed under conditions of coercion at all tiers, and must publicly report findings with remediation timelines.

LAB CLM — Climate and Heat Safety at Work 0/3 active
LABR-CLMS-0001 Proposed

All workers have the right to safe temperatures and heat protection

This position guarantees every worker an enforceable right to protection from dangerous heat — including mandatory rest breaks, free access to cool water and shade, acclimatization protocols for new workers, and emergency response plans when temperatures reach dangerous levels.

All workers have an enforceable right to protection from dangerous heat conditions, including mandatory rest periods, access to cool water and shade, acclimatization protocols, and emergency response plans when heat index exceeds established thresholds.

LABR-CLMS-0002 Proposed

Outdoor and warehouse workers must receive additional climate-specific protections

This position requires additional, category-specific heat protections for outdoor workers in agriculture, construction, landscaping, and delivery, and for indoor workers in non-climate-controlled facilities such as warehouses and fulfillment centers.

Outdoor workers in agriculture, construction, landscaping, and delivery, and indoor workers in non-climate-controlled facilities including warehouses and fulfillment centers, must receive category-specific heat protections reflecting the heightened risk of their work environments.

LABR-CLMS-0003 Proposed

Workers may not be retaliated against for refusing to work in dangerous heat

This position protects workers who reasonably refuse to work in conditions presenting an imminent heat danger from being fired, disciplined, or penalized — consistent with workers' existing rights under OSHA.

Workers who reasonably refuse to work in conditions presenting imminent heat danger must be protected from retaliation, including discharge, discipline, or adverse employment action, consistent with the rights established under Section 11(c) of the Occupational Safety and Health Act.

LABR-CLMS-0004 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

OSHA must issue a federal heat illness prevention standard within one year, establishing 80°F indoor and 90°F outdoor action thresholds with mandatory rest breaks, water, shade, and acclimatization requirements

This position requires OSHA to publish a binding federal heat illness prevention standard within one year, covering all industries. At 80°F indoors or 90°F outdoors, employers must provide free water, shade, and mandatory rest breaks every two hours. At 95°F indoors or 103°F outdoors, non-emergency work must stop. New workers must follow an acclimatization schedule, and supervisors must be trained annually in recognizing and responding to heat illness.

OSHA must promulgate a final federal heat illness prevention standard within one year of enactment with the following minimum requirements: (a) for any work environment in which ambient heat reaches or exceeds 80°F indoors or 90°F outdoors — or a heat index equivalent — employers must provide cool drinking water at no cost at a rate of at least one quart per worker per hour, shade or a cooled rest area accessible within a two-minute walk, mandatory rest breaks of at least 10 minutes in a cool environment every two hours, and a written heat illness prevention plan posted in the workplace; (b) when temperatures reach 95°F indoors or 103°F outdoors, all outdoor and non-air-conditioned indoor work must cease except for emergency operations, with the employer bearing the burden of demonstrating emergency status; (c) all employers must implement a mandatory acclimatization schedule for new workers and workers returning from absence of more than five days in hot environments, limiting heat exposure for the first two weeks of assignment; (d) supervisors must be trained annually in heat illness recognition and response; (e) the standard applies across all industries without exemption, with enhanced requirements for agriculture, construction, warehousing, and delivery workers. OSHA must update threshold temperatures based on the latest National Weather Service heat index guidance at least every five years.

The United States has no federal OSHA heat standard despite heat being among the deadliest occupational hazards. The Bureau of Labor Statistics records dozens of worker heat deaths annually, but experts and advocates estimate the true toll is significantly higher due to under-reporting and misattribution of heat-related cardiovascular events. OSHA relies on its general duty clause to address heat hazards, but general duty enforcement is slower, harder to prove, and generates weaker deterrence than a standard with specific, measurable thresholds. California, Washington, Minnesota, and Colorado have enacted state heat standards; a federal standard would extend baseline protections to all workers nationwide.

LAB SCH — Predictive Scheduling and Schedule Stability 0/3 active
LABR-SCHS-0001 Proposed

Workers in covered industries must receive advance notice of their schedules

This position requires employers in retail, food service, and hospitality to post workers' schedules at least 14 days in advance — giving workers enough time to arrange childcare, transportation, and second jobs around their shifts.

Workers in retail, food service, hospitality, and other industries with variable scheduling must receive their work schedules at least 14 days in advance to allow planning for childcare, transportation, second jobs, and essential activities.

LABR-SCHS-0002 Proposed

Last-minute schedule changes must be compensated with premium pay

This position requires employers to pay workers premium compensation when they make last-minute changes to a posted schedule — including cancellations and alterations — to compensate workers for the disruption those changes cause to their lives.

Schedule changes made within the advance notice period—including cancellations, additions, and alterations to assigned hours—must trigger premium compensation for affected workers in recognition of the disruption imposed by unpredictable scheduling changes.

LABR-SCHS-0003 Proposed

Workers must have the right to request flexible or stable scheduling without retaliation

This position gives workers the right to request schedule changes — like predictable hours, accommodations for caregiving, or avoiding split shifts — without facing retaliation or having hours cut in response to the request.

Workers must have the right to request schedule modifications, including predictable hours, accommodation of caregiving responsibilities, or avoidance of split shifts, without fear of retaliation or reduced hours in response to the request.

LABR-SCHS-0004 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Congress must enact a federal predictive scheduling law requiring employers to provide work schedules at least two weeks in advance, with 1.5x pay premiums for schedule changes within 72 hours, applying to retail, food service, and healthcare employers with 50 or more employees

This position requires Congress to enact a federal predictive scheduling law for retail, food service, and healthcare employers with 50 or more employees. Schedules must be posted 14 days in advance; any change within 72 hours triggers 1.5x pay for affected shifts. Employers must offer extra hours to current qualified workers before hiring new staff. Workers can request schedule changes without retaliation, and all records must be kept for three years.

Congress must enact federal predictive scheduling legislation applicable to all retail trade, food service and restaurant, and healthcare employers with 50 or more employees in the United States, requiring: (a) written work schedules posted and provided to each worker at least 14 calendar days before the first day of the schedule period; (b) compensation at 1.5 times the worker's regular rate for each shift that is added, extended, reduced, or cancelled within 72 hours of the start of that shift without the worker's written consent; (c) employers must offer additional hours to existing qualified workers before scheduling new or temporary workers; (d) workers may request schedule modifications without retaliation; (e) good faith estimates of expected hours must be provided in writing at the time of hire and updated within 14 days of any material change; (f) records of all schedules, changes, and premium payments must be maintained for three years and be available to the DOL on request; (g) a private right of action for enforcement with fee-shifting; (h) no preemption of state or local predictive scheduling ordinances that provide greater protections. The 72-hour premium applies cumulatively per affected shift, not per pay period.

Just-in-time scheduling — where workers learn their shifts with hours or days of notice — is pervasive in retail and food service, making it impossible for workers to arrange childcare, hold second jobs, or plan basic expenses. The Economic Policy Institute and Center for American Progress have documented that unstable scheduling is concentrated among low-wage workers and workers of color, amplifying existing economic inequality. San Francisco, Seattle, New York City, Chicago, Oregon, and New York State have enacted predictive scheduling laws; evaluations have found minimal employer cost impact alongside significant benefits to worker stability.

LAB PBN — Portable Benefits for Non-Traditional Workers 0/3 active
LABR-PBNS-0001 Proposed

Benefits must travel with workers across employment relationships

This position requires that workplace benefits — including paid leave, retirement savings, healthcare contributions, and training credits — travel with you as you move between employers, platforms, and types of work, so you never have to start over from zero.

Social insurance systems and workplace benefits—including paid leave, retirement savings, healthcare contributions, and training credits—must be designed to be portable across employers and employment relationships so that workers who change jobs, work multiple part-time jobs, or engage in gig work can accumulate benefits without losing coverage.

LABR-PBNS-0002 Proposed

Platforms and businesses using contractor labor must contribute to portable benefit funds

This position requires businesses and platforms that rely heavily on independent contractors for core functions to make proportional contributions to portable benefit funds on those contractors' behalf — regardless of how those workers are classified.

Businesses and platforms that engage significant numbers of independent contractors for core operational functions must make proportional contributions to portable benefit funds on behalf of those contractors, regardless of their employment classification.

LABR-PBNS-0003 Proposed

Workers must be able to accumulate paid leave and retirement savings across multiple jobs

This position requires paid leave and retirement savings systems to be redesigned so that workers holding multiple part-time jobs can accumulate benefits across all of them — not be penalized compared to someone with a single full-time employer.

Paid leave and retirement savings systems must be redesigned to allow accumulation of benefits across multiple part-time or short-term employment relationships, so that workers holding two or three part-time jobs are not denied the benefits that full-time workers at a single employer receive.

LABR-PBNS-0004 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Congress must establish a federal Portable Benefits Trust system: worker-owned accounts funded by mandatory employer and platform contributions, prorated to earnings, portable across all jobs and platforms

This position requires Congress to create a federal Portable Benefits Trust: every worker gets a portable account funded by mandatory employer and platform contributions of at least 8% of gross earnings for healthcare, 3% for retirement, and 2% for paid leave — with no minimum hours and no waiting period. Accounts follow workers across all jobs and platforms, and employers may not cut pay to offset their contribution obligations.

Congress must establish a federal Portable Benefits Trust system providing: (a) every worker in the United States — regardless of classification, employer size, or work arrangement — a worker-owned portable benefits account administered by a nonprofit or governmental trust; (b) mandatory employer and platform contributions at a rate of at least 8% of each worker's gross earnings for healthcare coverage, 3% for retirement savings, and 2% for paid leave, with contributions due within 30 days of each pay or earning period; (c) contributions are prorated strictly to earnings — there are no minimum hour thresholds, no waiting periods, and no carve-outs for part-time, seasonal, or contingent workers; (d) workers direct their benefit contributions to any licensed carrier, co-op, or public option meeting federal minimum benefit standards; (e) accounts are portable — contributions and accrued benefits follow the worker when they change employers, platforms, or work arrangements; (f) workers with multiple income sources receive aggregated contributions from all sources into a single account; (g) employers and platforms may not reduce payment rates, increase platform fees, or otherwise offset contribution obligations by reducing worker compensation; (h) the DOL must maintain a searchable public database of employer and platform compliance with contribution obligations. The system supplements — and does not reduce — existing Social Security, Medicare, and unemployment insurance obligations.

The decoupling of benefits from employment status is a structural necessity as multi-employer, gig, and platform work becomes more prevalent. The current system creates a class of workers — disproportionately women, workers of color, and immigrants — who perform consistent, economically vital work but are excluded from every employer-based benefit system. New America, SEIU, and the Aspen Institute have advanced portable benefits frameworks; no federal statute yet exists despite broad policy consensus that the existing employer-tied model is inadequate for modern labor markets. Contribution rates are modeled on existing employer payroll obligations for benefits — the goal is parity of access, not additional cost beyond what comparable full-time employees already receive through existing employer contributions.

LAB CRC — Child Care as Labor and Economic Infrastructure 0/3 active
LABR-CRCS-0001 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Affordable child care must be treated as public infrastructure prerequisite for equal workforce participation

This position requires the federal government to treat affordable child care as essential public infrastructure — like roads or schools — recognizing that the current cost and scarcity of child care is a structural barrier to equal workforce participation that falls disproportionately on working mothers and low-income families.

Federal policy must treat affordable, accessible child care as a public infrastructure investment—comparable to roads, broadband, and schools—recognizing that inadequate child care availability and cost is a structural barrier to equal workforce participation, disproportionately borne by women, that suppresses labor supply, limits economic mobility, and constitutes a systemic labor market failure.

The United States spends significantly less on early childhood education and care as a share of GDP than peer OECD nations. Child care costs exceed housing costs in most U.S. markets. An estimated 2 million parents—disproportionately mothers—leave the workforce or reduce hours due to child care unavailability or unaffordability annually. The Women's Bureau of the DOL has documented the connection between child care unavailability and labor force participation gaps. Countries with robust publicly subsidized child care (France, Sweden, Germany) show substantially higher maternal labor force participation rates than the United States. Cross-reference: LAB-LVE (parental leave), ECO-EQT (economic equality), ECO-CTC (child tax credit).

LABR-CRCS-0002 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Large employers must provide or fund child care benefits for workers with young children

This position requires larger employers to provide child care benefits — through on-site facilities, subsidized third-party care, or portable child care savings contributions — for workers with young children. Smaller employers receive government support to meet equivalent standards without being placed at a competitive disadvantage.

Employers above defined size thresholds must provide child care benefits to workers with children under school age, through on-site facilities, subsidized third-party care, or contributions to a portable child care savings fund. Small employers must receive government subsidy to meet equivalent obligations without competitive disadvantage.

Employer-provided child care is rare and concentrated among high-wage professional workers whose employers have incentive to retain them. Low-wage workers—who face the highest child care cost burdens as a share of income—are the least likely to have employer child care support. Requiring employer participation (with proportional carveouts and government subsidy for small employers) extends child care support across the income spectrum without creating disproportionate burdens on businesses that cannot absorb the cost unaided. Cross-reference: LAB-CRC-001, ECO-SMB (small business support), LAB-LVE (parental leave).

LABR-CRCS-0003 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Child care workers must receive wages, benefits, and training comparable to K–12 educators

This position requires that child care workers be paid wages and receive benefits comparable to similarly credentialed public school teachers — reflecting the equal developmental importance of early childhood care — and that compensation cannot depend on what families can afford to pay.

Child care workers must be paid wages and receive benefits comparable to similarly credentialed public school educators, reflecting the equivalent developmental importance of early childhood care and education. Compensation must not be contingent on the ability of child care providers to charge market rates that working families cannot afford.

Child care workers are among the lowest-paid professionals in the American economy—median wages consistently below $15/hour—despite research demonstrating that quality of early childhood care has significant and lasting effects on children's cognitive development, health, and future earnings. The wage depression is structural: child care prices are already unaffordable for many families, so providers cannot raise wages without pricing themselves out of the market. Breaking this cycle requires government subsidy of the sector at the level needed to pay educators adequately while keeping care accessible to families. Cross-reference: LAB-CRC-001, LAB-PAY (wage standards).

LABLAB — Labor Standards0/0 active
LABR-LABS-0001Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Government must subsidize or support paid parental leave for small businesses

This position requires the government to subsidize or support paid parental leave for small businesses, so that workers at smaller employers can take paid leave when a child is born or adopted — the same as workers at large corporations.

Government must subsidize or support paid parental leave for small businesses

Source: DB entry ECO-LAB-004, status: MISSING. Pending editorial review.

JCAU JCAU — Just Cause Termination 0/1 active
LABR-JCAU-0001 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Congress must establish a federal just-cause termination standard replacing at-will employment for workers with six or more months of service

This position requires Congress to establish a federal just-cause termination standard: after six months on the job, employers may only fire you for a legitimate, documented reason — replacing the current 'at-will' system that allows termination for any reason or no reason at all.

The United States stands alone among G7 nations in permitting employers to discharge workers "at will" — for any reason or no reason — subject only to antidiscrimination statutes. At-will employment is not a constitutional guarantee or a market necessity; it is a common-law doctrine developed primarily in the Gilded Age to systematically favor capital over labor. Every other G7 nation — Canada, Germany, France, Italy, Japan, and the United Kingdom — requires employers to demonstrate a legitimate documented reason for termination. The International Labour Organization's Convention No. 158 (Termination of Employment, 1982), ratified by 35 countries, establishes just-cause termination as the international baseline standard; the United States has not ratified it.[1] Montana's Wrongful Discharge from Employment Act (Mont. Code Ann. §§ 39-2-901 to 39-2-915, 1987) has operated as a limited just-cause standard in one state for decades without the economic disruption critics predict — there is no evidence from Montana's experience that just-cause protection discourages hiring or investment. Congress must establish: (a) after six months of employment with the same employer, covered workers may be terminated only for documented legitimate business reason — including genuine performance deficiencies, documented misconduct, or demonstrable economic necessity — and terminations not grounded in legitimate documented cause are presumptively unlawful; (b) the burden of proving legitimate cause rests on the employer at every stage; (c) employers must provide written notice of the reason for termination at the time of termination or within 72 hours, and that stated reason is binding in any subsequent proceeding; (d) economic necessity terminations affecting more than ten employees at a single location within any 90-day period require 90 days advance written notice, expanding and strengthening the WARN Act (29 U.S.C. § 2101) and eliminating the existing "unforeseeable business circumstances" and "faltering company" exceptions that swallow the rule; (e) workers may contest terminations through a streamlined administrative proceeding before the NLRB, with a 45-day decision deadline from filing; the default remedy is reinstatement to the same position plus full back pay; (f) in lieu of reinstatement, workers may elect compensatory damages equal to 52 weeks of base pay regardless of actual mitigation; (g) punitive damages up to treble compensatory are available for terminations proven to be retaliatory against workers who engaged in protected activity — including union organizing, OSHA complaints, wage theft reports, or NLRA-protected concerted activity; (h) at-will clauses in employment agreements signed before the effective date of this Act are void as against public policy. Structural protection from arbitrary dismissal is prerequisite to meaningful exercise of all other labor rights.[2]

  1. ILO Convention No. 158, Termination of Employment Convention (1982). https://www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/en/f?p=NORMLEXPUB:12100:0::NO::P12100_ILO_CODE:C158
  2. Worker Adjustment and Retraining Notification Act, 29 U.S.C. §§ 2101–2109 (1988); Mont. Code Ann. §§ 39-2-901 to 39-2-915 (1987).
LAB FARM — Farmworker Protections 0/0 active
LABR-FARM-0001 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Farmworkers must have full National Labor Relations Act and FLSA protections; all exemptions based on agricultural worker status must be repealed

This position requires Congress to extend full NLRA and FLSA protections — including the right to organize, minimum wage, and overtime — to farmworkers, repealing exclusions that have no justification other than their origins in racially discriminatory New Deal-era political compromises.

The exclusion of agricultural workers from the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) and the domestic worker and agricultural worker exemptions from the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) must be repealed; all farmworkers — including H-2A visa holders, piece-rate workers, and day laborers — must have the same rights to organize, collectively bargain, overtime pay, and minimum wage as all other workers. The NLRB must be funded for dedicated agricultural worker outreach and enforcement; retaliation against farmworkers for organizing activity is subject to treble back pay and automatic reinstatement. Agricultural workers were explicitly excluded from the NLRA in 1935 as a political compromise to secure Southern Democratic support — a racially motivated exclusion that preserved the racial labor hierarchy of the Jim Crow economy and has never been corrected. Congress must: (a) amend NLRA § 2(3) (29 U.S.C. § 152(3)) to delete the exclusion of "agricultural laborers"; (b) amend FLSA § 13 (29 U.S.C. § 213) to eliminate the overtime exemption and piece-rate exceptions for agricultural workers, bringing their protections to full parity with workers in all other industries; (c) provide that H-2A and H-2B agricultural guest workers have full NLRA and FLSA rights and may not have their visa status revoked or face immigration enforcement as retaliation for exercising those rights; (d) fund a dedicated NLRB agricultural worker outreach and enforcement unit with mandatory field presence in the 20 counties with the highest agricultural employment; (e) make retaliation against farmworkers for organizing activity subject to treble back pay and automatic reinstatement. See also LABR-DOMS-0004 (NLRA and FLSA coverage for domestic and agricultural workers).

  1. National Labor Relations Act, 29 U.S.C. § 152(3) (1935); Fair Labor Standards Act, 29 U.S.C. § 213(b)(12) (1938).
LABR-FARM-0002 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

H-2A agricultural guest workers must have full labor mobility rights; employer monopoly control over visa status must be eliminated

This position requires Congress to reform the H-2A agricultural guest worker program so that workers can change jobs freely — ending the current system that ties visa status to a single employer, giving that employer near-total control over a worker's ability to stay in the country.

The H-2A agricultural guest worker visa must be reformed to: (a) allow workers to change employers without losing visa status; (b) permit workers to self-petition for visa renewal without employer sponsorship; (c) require all H-2A employers to pay workers the higher of the Adverse Effect Wage Rate or the prevailing wage for the occupation as determined by an independent survey conducted by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, not an employer-funded survey; (d) prohibit employer deductions from wages for housing, transportation, or tools that reduce net pay below minimum wage; (e) grant workers a path to permanent residency after three years of agricultural employment. Workers who file labor complaints may not be deported or have their visa status affected during the pendency of the complaint; any immigration enforcement action against a worker with a pending labor complaint is presumed to be retaliatory and constitutes an unfair labor practice subject to NLRB jurisdiction. The current H-2A structure ties a worker's legal presence in the United States to the sponsoring employer's satisfaction, creating a structural coercive power imbalance that makes any exercise of labor rights practically impossible and functions as a system of indentured labor. Workers subject to such arrangements have a private right of action for treble damages against employers who initiate or threaten immigration enforcement as retaliation for labor activity.

  1. Immigration and Nationality Act, 8 U.S.C. § 1101(a)(15)(H)(ii)(a) (H-2A visa authority); 8 C.F.R. § 214.2(h) (H-2A regulations).
LABR-FARM-0003 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Mandatory federal heat illness prevention and pesticide safety standards must apply to all agricultural workers

This position requires OSHA to issue and enforce mandatory federal heat illness prevention and pesticide safety standards that apply to all agricultural workers — the same baseline protections that workers in other industries are entitled to.

OSHA must promulgate a federal heat illness prevention standard applying to all outdoor agricultural workers requiring: mandatory rest breaks in shade when temperatures exceed 80°F; water provision of one quart per hour; cooling areas accessible within two minutes; and written emergency response plans. The EPA must establish buffer zones of no less than one mile between pesticide application areas and worker housing; workers must be notified 48 hours before any pesticide application in adjacent fields; medical monitoring must be provided at employer expense to all workers regularly exposed to organophosphate pesticides. Violations resulting in worker illness or death are subject to criminal prosecution of supervisors and owners, and workers have a private right of action for resulting harm with treble damages and attorney fees. Heat illness is a leading cause of occupational death among farmworkers, who face disproportionate exposure due to outdoor work in summer harvest conditions. Farmworkers are among the most pesticide-exposed workers in the United States, yet receive weaker regulatory protection than workers in other industries. Congress must: (a) direct OSHA to finalize a heat illness prevention standard for agricultural workers within one year of enactment; (b) direct the EPA to establish minimum pesticide buffer zone requirements near worker housing under the Federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and Rodenticide Act; (c) require employer-funded medical monitoring for workers regularly exposed to organophosphate and carbamate pesticides; (d) subject supervisors and owners to criminal liability for worker heat illness or pesticide illness deaths attributable to willful OSHA or EPA violations.

  1. Occupational Safety and Health Act, 29 U.S.C. § 655 (standard-setting authority).
  2. Federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and Rodenticide Act, 7 U.S.C. § 136 et seq. (pesticide regulation authority).
TRCK TRCK — Trucking Worker Protections 0/2 proposed
LABR-TRCK-0001 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Congress Must Prohibit Predatory Lease-to-Own Contracts for Commercial Truck Drivers That Result in Net Earnings Below Minimum Wage, End Misclassification of Port and Terminal Drivers, and Establish Federal Minimum Earnings Standards for All Commercial Drivers

This position requires Congress to ban predatory lease-to-own truck contracts that leave drivers earning below 150% of minimum wage after all expenses. Carriers must issue weekly itemized earnings statements, and any driver using a carrier vehicle and working primarily for one carrier is presumed to be an employee. Criminal penalties of up to $100,000 per driver per year and five years imprisonment apply to carrier executives who knowingly design contracts to produce sub-minimum wages.

Congress must: (1) prohibit any motor carrier from entering a lease-to-own equipment contract with any commercial driver that results in net earnings — after all lease payments, fuel, insurance, and maintenance — below 150% of the federal minimum wage per hour worked; (2) require all carriers to provide weekly itemized statements showing gross revenue, all deductions, and net earnings per hour; (3) establish a federal rebuttable presumption that all drivers who drive a carrier-owned vehicle, work primarily for one carrier, and are subject to carrier dispatch control are employees entitled to all federal labor protections; (4) extend this presumption specifically to all port and terminal drayage drivers; (5) require all trucking leases to include a no-penalty early termination clause exercisable by the driver after 12 months; (6) criminal penalties — fines up to $100,000 per driver per year and imprisonment up to 5 years — for any carrier executive who knowingly enters contracts designed to produce sub-minimum-wage earnings; and (7) a private right of action for any driver earning below minimum wage under a predatory lease, with treble damages and attorney's fees.

Some port truck drivers report net earnings below minimum wage after deducting all lease and fuel costs. The lease-to-own trucking model has been described by labor advocates as a modern form of indentured servitude.

LABR-TRCK-0002 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Congress Must Strengthen Hours-of-Service Rules, Require Carriers to Compensate Drivers for All Dock Waiting Time, and Establish a Federal Minimum Per-Mile Rate Ensuring at Least $25 Per Hour Net Earnings

This position requires Congress to cap truck driving to 10 hours per day with a mandatory 10-hour rest period, require full hourly pay for dock and terminal waiting time beyond one hour, establish a federal minimum per-mile rate ensuring at least $25 per hour in net earnings adjusted annually for inflation, and create a public database of carriers with wage and safety violations. Criminal penalties apply for falsifying electronic logging data.

Congress must: (1) set a maximum of 10 driving hours in any 24-hour period and a mandatory 10-hour off-duty period between shifts; (2) require all carriers to pay drivers at their regular hourly rate for all detention time at docks, ports, or terminals beyond 1 hour; (3) establish a federal minimum per-mile rate ensuring net earnings of at least $25/hour after all expenses — adjusted annually for inflation; (4) require FMCSA to maintain a public database of carriers with wage, hours, and safety violations — prohibiting shippers from contracting with listed carriers; (5) require all ELD data to be accessible to drivers and their authorized representatives; (6) criminal penalties — fines up to $500,000 and imprisonment up to 3 years — for any carrier who falsifies ELD data; and (7) a private right of action for any driver denied detention pay or earning below the minimum rate.

Detention time costs commercial drivers an estimated $1.1 billion in lost earnings annually.[9] Commercial truck driving accounts for approximately 900 fatalities annually in the United States.

GIIG GIIG — Gig Worker Classification and Rights 0/4 active
LABR-GIIG-0001 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Workers are employees unless the hiring entity proves all three prongs of the ABC test; federal law must codify this standard nationally

This position requires making the ABC test the federal standard for worker classification — workers are presumed employees unless the hiring entity can affirmatively prove all three prongs of the test — applying to all federal and state labor law.

Federal law must codify the ABC test as the national standard for worker classification: a worker is an employee unless the hiring entity proves (A) the worker is free from the control and direction of the hiring entity in connection with the performance of work, both under contract and in fact; (B) the worker performs work outside the usual course of the hiring entity's business; and (C) the worker is customarily engaged in an independently established trade, occupation, or business of the same nature as the work performed. Misclassification of an employee as an independent contractor is a federal labor law violation subject to: back payment of wages, benefits, and employer payroll taxes; civil penalties of $5,000–$25,000 per misclassified worker; and criminal prosecution for willful, pattern misclassification. The DOL must establish an Office of Worker Classification with proactive audit authority; the IRS must share misclassification data with DOL. Workers and the DOL both have a private right of action to enforce this standard; criminal prosecution is mandatory for willful misclassification schemes affecting ten or more workers.

An estimated 10–30% of U.S. employers misclassify at least one worker, costing workers billions in wages and benefits and costing the Treasury billions in unpaid payroll taxes. Gig economy companies like Uber and Lyft have been found by labor regulators in multiple states to misclassify their drivers.

LABR-GIIG-0002 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Any entity that engages a worker for more than 100 hours per year must contribute at least 15% of wages to a portable benefits account owned by that worker

This position requires any entity that engages a worker for more than 100 hours in a year to contribute at least 15% of that worker's wages to a portable benefits account owned by the worker — regardless of how the worker is classified.

Any entity that engages a worker — whether classified as employee or independent contractor — for more than 100 hours per year must contribute to a portable benefits account for that worker at a rate of no less than 15% of wages paid; the portable benefits account must provide access to health insurance, paid leave, retirement savings, and disability insurance on a pro-rata basis proportional to hours worked. Portable benefits accounts must be owned by the worker, are portable across jobs and platforms, and must be administered by a nonprofit or government entity — not by the platform that engages the worker. Workers must have full transparency into their account balance and contribution history; accounts must be accessible via a federal online portal. Failure to contribute is a federal labor violation subject to civil penalties of $500 per worker per pay period of non-compliance; workers have a non-waivable private right of action for missed contributions plus treble damages and attorney fees.

Approximately 59 million Americans perform some freelance or gig work. Gig workers are disproportionately excluded from employer-sponsored health insurance, paid leave, and retirement plans.

LABR-GIIG-0003 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Workers managed by algorithms have the right to explanation, advance notice of adverse action, human review, and appeal within 72 hours

This position gives workers managed by algorithms the right to a plain-language explanation of any adverse automated decision, at least 72 hours of advance notice before adverse action takes effect, and the right to demand human review and appeal within that window.

Any employer or platform that uses automated systems to direct, monitor, evaluate, discipline, or terminate workers must: (1) provide each worker with a plain-language explanation of how the system evaluates their performance and what factors affect their scores, ratings, or assignments; (2) notify the worker before any adverse action and allow the worker to submit a written response; (3) ensure a human manager reviews any termination or significant adverse action before it takes effect; and (4) provide a meaningful appeal process that results in human review within 72 hours. Algorithmic systems that penalize workers for exercising legal rights — including taking protected leave, reporting safety violations, or organizing — are per se violations of the NLRA and subject to triple damages. Workers have a private right of action for violations with minimum statutory damages of $2,500 per incident; criminal penalties apply where automated systems are knowingly used to circumvent labor law protections.

LABR-GIIG-0004 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

App-based and gig workers have the right to collectively organize and bargain regardless of classification; antitrust law may not be weaponized against gig worker collective action

This position guarantees app-based and gig workers the full right to collectively organize and bargain — and prohibits using antitrust law as a weapon to prevent gig workers from acting together to improve their pay and conditions.

App-based and platform workers — regardless of whether they are classified as employees or independent contractors — have the right to collectively organize, bargain collectively, and engage in concerted action; antitrust laws may not be used to prevent gig workers from bargaining collectively over rates and working conditions. Congress must amend the NLRA to extend collective bargaining rights to gig and independent contract workers; platforms that retaliate against workers for organizing activity are subject to the same remedies as traditional employers under the NLRA including injunctive relief, back pay, and reinstatement. The FTC may not treat collective rate-setting by gig workers as price-fixing when workers lack meaningful bargaining power as individuals. Workers subject to retaliation for organizing have a private right of action for treble back pay, reinstatement, and attorney fees; criminal prosecution applies for platform officers who direct systematic retaliation campaigns against organizing activity.

Platforms like Uber, Lyft, and DoorDash have spent hundreds of millions of dollars on ballot initiatives to strip workers of employee rights and block organizing.

LAB SAFE — Workplace Safety and OSHA Reform 0/4 active
LABR-SAFE-0001 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

OSHA must establish a federal heat illness prevention standard for all outdoor and indoor workers

This position requires OSHA to promulgate a binding federal heat illness prevention standard covering all outdoor and indoor workers — so every employer is required by law to protect workers from dangerous heat, not just those in states with their own rules.

OSHA must promulgate a federal heat illness prevention standard that: (1) requires employers to provide one quart of cool drinking water per worker per hour when heat index exceeds 80°F; (2) requires mandatory rest breaks of at least 10 minutes in a cool or shaded area every two hours when heat index exceeds 90°F; (3) requires a minimum 15-minute cool-down break and medical monitoring when a worker shows signs of heat illness; (4) mandates a written acclimatization plan for all new workers during their first two weeks in heat exposure; and (5) requires employers to develop and implement a heat emergency response plan. The standard must apply to all workers — including agricultural, construction, warehouse, delivery, and indoor manufacturing workers — regardless of industry sector. Employers that violate the heat standard and a worker suffers heat illness are subject to willful violation penalties of up to $156,259 per violation; employers whose violation causes a worker's death face criminal prosecution.

Heat is the leading cause of weather-related worker deaths in the United States. OSHA has no federal heat illness prevention standard despite decades of petitions; California and a handful of states have their own standards. See also LABR-FARM-0003 (heat illness protections for agricultural workers).

LABR-SAFE-0002 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

OSHA must establish an ergonomics standard to prevent musculoskeletal injuries in high-risk industries

This position requires OSHA to issue an ergonomics standard to prevent musculoskeletal injuries — like repetitive strain, back injuries, and joint damage — in high-risk industries such as warehousing, meatpacking, poultry processing, and construction.

OSHA must promulgate an ergonomics standard covering all industries with high rates of work-related musculoskeletal disorders — including warehousing, meatpacking, healthcare, construction, and retail — that requires: (1) ergonomic risk assessments for all jobs with repetitive motion, forceful exertion, or awkward postures; (2) job rotation, equipment modification, or workflow redesign to reduce identified risks; (3) mandatory reporting of musculoskeletal symptoms and injuries with prompt medical evaluation; and (4) worker participation in ergonomics program development. Warehouse and fulfillment center employers with more than 100 workers must disclose work pace quotas, injury rates by warehouse and shift, and any algorithmic management systems that control work speed; quotas that result in injury rates above industry average are presumptively unreasonable. Workers who report ergonomic injuries or unsafe quotas may not be disciplined, and have a private right of action for retaliation.

Musculoskeletal disorders are the most common workplace injury in the U.S., accounting for approximately one-third of all workplace injuries and illnesses. Warehouse workers at major fulfillment centers have injury rates significantly higher than industry averages.

LABR-SAFE-0003 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Workers who report safety violations must be protected from retaliation and reinstated within 30 days

This position protects workers who report workplace safety violations from retaliation, and requires that any worker fired, disciplined, or demoted for reporting a safety concern be reinstated within 30 days with full back pay.

OSHA's whistleblower protection program must be strengthened: (1) the statute of limitations for filing a retaliation complaint must be extended to 180 days for all OSHA-administered statutes; (2) OSHA must make a preliminary reinstatement order within 30 days of a retaliation complaint if there is reasonable cause to believe retaliation occurred; (3) preliminary reinstatement must be automatic pending full investigation unless the employer demonstrates the action was taken for unrelated, documented reasons; (4) workers must have the right to file directly in federal court after 180 days if OSHA has not issued a final order; and (5) whistleblower settlements may not include non-disclosure agreements that prevent disclosure of safety hazards to regulators. Employers who retaliate against OSHA complainants are subject to: back pay, reinstatement, compensatory and punitive damages, and criminal prosecution for willful retaliation.

OSHA administers whistleblower protection under 25 federal statutes but has been chronically underfunded and slow to process complaints. The majority of OSHA whistleblower complaints are dismissed due to inadequate investigation resources.

LABR-SAFE-0004 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Employers may not incentivize underreporting of workplace injuries and must publish injury data publicly

This position prohibits employers from using safety incentive programs that discourage workers from reporting injuries — like bonuses tied to 'zero incident' records — and requires employers to publish their workplace injury and illness data publicly so everyone can see their actual safety record.

OSHA must prohibit workplace safety incentive programs that: reward workers for low injury rates (as opposed to hazard identification and safe behavior); discipline workers for reporting injuries; or use post-injury drug testing in a manner that deters injury reporting. All employers with 100 or more workers must electronically submit complete OSHA 300 injury and illness logs annually; OSHA must publish this data in a publicly searchable database within 90 days of receipt. The Bureau of Labor Statistics Survey of Occupational Injuries and Illnesses must be validated against workers' compensation claims, emergency department data, and other independent data sources; OSHA must report annually on the estimated gap between recorded and actual workplace injuries. Employers with injury rates in the top quartile for their industry must undergo mandatory OSHA inspection within 18 months.

Research suggests actual workplace injury rates may be two to three times higher than officially reported figures due to underreporting incentives. OSHA's injury recordkeeping rules have been subject to repeated weakening by prior administrations.

PUBL PUBL — Public Sector Workers and Federal Employee Rights 0/4 active
LABR-PUBL-0001 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Federal Employees Must Have the Right to Collectively Bargain Over All Terms and Conditions of Employment

This position guarantees federal employees the full right to collectively bargain over all terms and conditions of their employment — wages, hours, benefits, staffing levels, and working conditions — removing current statutory exclusions of these subjects from bargaining.

Congress must amend the Federal Service Labor-Management Relations Statute (5 U.S.C. § 7101 et seq.) to: (1) extend collective bargaining rights to all federal civilian employees, including those currently excluded by agency head determination; (2) remove all subject-matter exclusions from bargaining — federal unions must be able to negotiate over wages, hours, staffing levels, performance standards, technology, and health and retirement benefits on the same terms as private sector unions; (3) restore the Federal Labor Relations Authority to full independence with commissioners removable only for cause under the Humphrey's Executor standard; (4) prohibit the President from invoking national emergency authority under 5 U.S.C. § 7103(b) to strip bargaining rights without a finding of genuine national security necessity by an independent federal court; and (5) allow federal unions to enforce collective bargaining agreements in federal district court with the same remedies available to private sector unions, including back pay and injunctive relief. Violations of federal employee labor rights are subject to civil penalties of $50,000 per violation and criminal prosecution for willful interference; affected workers and their unions have a private right of action to enforce these protections in federal district court with attorney fees awarded to prevailing plaintiffs.

LABR-PUBL-0002 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

The Blanket Prohibition on Federal Employee Strikes Must Be Replaced With a Narrowly Tailored Framework That Protects Genuine National Security Functions Only

This position replaces the blanket ban on federal employee strikes with a carefully designed framework that permits strikes except in functions that are genuinely critical to national security — ensuring that federal workers have real bargaining power, not just the right to negotiate without leverage.

Congress must repeal the blanket prohibition on federal employee strikes (5 U.S.C. § 7311) and replace it with a framework that: (1) guarantees federal workers the right to strike following good-faith collective bargaining and a 30-day cooling-off period with Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service involvement; (2) restricts strike prohibitions only to employees whose work directly and imminently affects national security — defined as active military command, nuclear security, and air traffic control — and not to any other federal function; (3) prohibits the use of permanent replacement workers during any federal strike; (4) prohibits retaliation, termination, or loss of federal benefits for participation in a lawful strike; and (5) requires all disputes involving prohibited-striker categories to go to binding arbitration with an independent arbitrator. PATCO-era mass firings and retroactive penalty enforcement are permanently prohibited. Any federal official who orders retaliation against workers exercising lawful strike rights is subject to civil penalties of $25,000 per affected worker and criminal prosecution; workers subjected to unlawful retaliation have a private right of action for reinstatement, full back pay, and attorney fees.

The United States is one of the few democracies that blanket-prohibits strikes by federal workers. The 1981 PATCO strike and mass firing set a precedent that weakened private sector union bargaining power for decades.

LABR-PUBL-0003 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

The United States Postal Service Must Be Fully Funded, Its Services Restored, and Postal Banking Established to Serve the Unbanked

This position requires the United States Postal Service to be fully funded with its services restored, and establishes postal banking so that post offices can provide basic financial services to the tens of millions of Americans who lack access to a bank.

Congress must comprehensively reform the USPS by: (1) repealing the Postal Accountability and Enhancement Act's (PAEA) requirement to pre-fund 75 years of retiree health benefits — a burden imposed on no other public or private entity — which has cost the USPS over $50 billion and is the primary cause of its financial losses; (2) restoring 6-day mail and package delivery service to all ZIP codes, including rural and low-income communities; (3) prohibiting any reduction in post office hours, closures of rural post offices, or degradation of delivery service standards without full public notice and community input; (4) establishing a Postal Banking pilot program at no fewer than 5,000 post offices offering basic financial services — checking accounts, savings accounts, small loans, bill payment, and check cashing — at regulated, below-market rates to serve the estimated 5.9 million unbanked U.S. households; and (5) converting USPS retirement obligations to the federal government's standard FERS/CSRS system, eliminating the prefunding anomaly entirely. Any federal official or contractor who sabotages postal service delivery, destroys mail-sorting equipment, or implements service degradations in violation of this Act is subject to criminal prosecution; postal workers and customers subjected to unlawful service reductions have a private right of action for injunctive relief and civil damages.

LABR-PUBL-0004 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

State and Local Government Workers in States That Prohibit Public Sector Collective Bargaining Must Have Federal Protection

This position requires federal protection for state and local government workers in states that currently prohibit public sector collective bargaining — so that the state you happen to live in cannot strip you of rights that workers in other states have.

Congress must amend the National Labor Relations Act to: (1) extend NLRA coverage and NLRB jurisdiction to all state and local government employees in states that do not otherwise provide a legally enforceable right to collectively bargain — currently approximately 20 states — ensuring a federal floor for public sector labor rights regardless of state law; (2) preempt any state law, executive order, or "right-to-work" provision that prohibits state or local government employees from forming unions, collectively bargaining, or engaging in protected concerted activity; (3) require all state and local governments receiving federal funds to recognize and bargain in good faith with any union certified by a majority of a bargaining unit, subject to the same ULP standards as private sector employers; and (4) provide the NLRB with authority to impose make-whole remedies, reinstatement, and civil penalties of $100,000 per violation against state and local government employers that engage in unfair labor practices. State or local officials who willfully interfere with federally protected collective bargaining rights are subject to criminal prosecution; workers whose rights are violated have a private right of action for reinstatement, full back pay, and attorney fees.

Approximately 5 million state and local government workers lack any legally protected right to collectively bargain. States that prohibit public sector bargaining tend to have lower wages, worse benefits, and higher turnover in public employment.

GIGW GIGW — Gig Economy and App-Based Worker Protections 0/4 active
LABR-GIGW-0001 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Congress Must Codify the ABC Test as the Federal Standard for Worker Classification, Ending the Misclassification of Gig Workers as Independent Contractors

This position requires Congress to enact a federal ABC test making workers presumptive employees unless all three prongs are proven, applying to minimum wage, overtime, unemployment, workers' comp, and organizing rights. Misclassification carries civil penalties of $5,000 to $25,000 per worker per year, criminal penalties for willful violations, and the NLRB must have jurisdiction over organizing activity by all app-based workers.

Congress must enact a federal worker classification standard based on the ABC test, establishing that a worker is an employee — with full access to minimum wage, overtime, unemployment insurance, workers' compensation, and the right to organize — unless the hiring entity can affirmatively prove all three of the following: (A) the worker is free from the control and direction of the hiring entity in connection with the performance of the work, both under the contract for the performance of work and in fact; (B) the worker performs work that is outside the usual course of the hiring entity's business; and (C) the worker is customarily engaged in an independently established trade, occupation, or business of the same nature as the work performed; any provision in a contract that designates a worker as an independent contractor is void and unenforceable as against this federal standard; the DOL must establish a public portal for workers to report misclassification; violations carry civil penalties of $5,000–$25,000 per worker per year of misclassification and criminal penalties for willful violations; the NLRB must have jurisdiction over organizing activities of all app-based workers regardless of employment classification.

An estimated 10–20% of U.S. workers are misclassified as independent contractors, costing them billions in wages and benefits and costing the federal government tens of billions in unpaid payroll taxes annually.

LABR-GIGW-0002 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Rideshare and Delivery Platform Workers Must Earn a Minimum Floor Wage and Be Fully Reimbursed for Vehicle and Equipment Expenses

This position requires Congress to direct the DOL to set minimum earnings standards for rideshare and delivery workers, guaranteeing the greater of $1.28 per mile on a trip or 120% of the local minimum wage for all time logged in and available. Platforms must reimburse the full IRS mileage rate and provide weekly itemized earnings statements. Criminal liability applies to platform executives who knowingly pay workers below the minimum.

Congress must direct DOL to establish minimum earnings standards for app-based rideshare and delivery workers that: (1) guarantee a minimum net earnings floor of the greater of: (a) $1.28 per mile driven while engaged on a platform trip or delivery; or (b) 120% of the applicable local minimum wage for all time the worker is logged into the platform and available or engaged — with DOL adjusting these floors annually for inflation; (2) require all platforms to reimburse workers for the full IRS standard mileage rate for all miles driven in connection with platform work, including miles driven to pick up passengers or deliveries; (3) prohibit platforms from imposing any fee, commission, or deduction that reduces a worker's net earnings below the minimum floor; (4) require platforms to provide each worker with a weekly earnings statement showing: total trips/deliveries, total miles driven, gross earnings, all deductions itemized, and net earnings — in plain language; (5) establish criminal liability for platform executives who willfully pay workers below the minimum floor, with fines of up to $100,000 and imprisonment of up to 5 years; and (6) provide a private right of action for workers paid below the floor, with treble damages and attorney's fees.

In many markets, rideshare drivers earn below minimum wage after accounting for vehicle expenses, fuel, and time spent waiting for rides.

LABR-GIGW-0003 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

All Tips Paid Through Digital Platforms Must Pass 100% to the Worker, and Platforms May Not Reduce Base Pay in Response to Tips Received

This position requires that 100% of any tip paid through a digital platform go directly to the worker — platforms and employers may not keep any portion, charge processing fees against tips, or reduce base pay in response to tips received. Platforms must disclose to customers exactly what percentage of their tip reaches the worker, and tip manipulation by algorithm is a per se unfair business practice under federal law.

Congress must: (1) define "tip" in the FLSA as any payment voluntarily designated by a customer as a gratuity for the worker, including digital tips through app-based platforms; (2) require 100% of any tip to be paid to the worker designated by the customer — no platform, employer, or tip pool administered by management may retain any portion of a tip; (3) prohibit any platform or employer from reducing a worker's base pay, per-mile rate, or guaranteed hourly earnings in response to the level of tips the worker has received — specifically banning "tip credit" systems that net out tips against base wages in app-based contexts; (4) require all app-based platforms to display to customers — at the time of tipping — a clear disclosure of the percentage of the tip that reaches the worker; (5) prohibit "tip manipulation" — including algorithmically adjusting tip prompts based on worker demographics, order size, or routing — and treat such manipulation as a per se unfair business practice under the FTC Act; (6) establish a private right of action for workers whose tips are skimmed or whose base pay is reduced in response to tipping, with treble damages and attorney's fees; and (7) impose criminal liability on platform executives who willfully engage in tip skimming, with fines up to $500,000 per year of violation.

Some platforms have been accused of using tips to subsidize base pay rather than supplementing it, effectively allowing customers to pay wages that should be the platform's responsibility.

LABR-GIGW-0004 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

App-Based Workers Must Have the Full Right to Organize Regardless of Classification, and Platforms May Not Use Algorithmic Tools to Retaliate Against Organizing Activity

This position requires Congress to extend full collective bargaining rights to all app-based workers regardless of classification, including the rights to strike, form associations, and negotiate over earnings and algorithm transparency. Any adverse algorithmic action within 90 days of protected union activity is presumptively retaliatory. Platforms with more than 10,000 workers must establish an elected Gig Worker Advisory Board with real negotiating authority.

Congress must: (1) amend the NLRA to extend full collective bargaining rights to all app-based workers — regardless of employee or independent contractor classification — including the right to: form associations or unions, engage in collective action, conduct strikes or work stoppages, and negotiate collectively with platforms over earnings, working conditions, and algorithm transparency; (2) prohibit platforms from using algorithmic dispatch, rating systems, or deactivation to retaliate against workers for: organizing activity, filing complaints with DOL or NLRB, participating in collective actions, or communicating with other workers about working conditions — any adverse algorithmic action within 90 days of protected activity is presumptively retaliatory; (3) require platforms with more than 10,000 U.S. workers to establish a Gig Worker Advisory Board — comprising elected worker representatives — with the right to: receive quarterly briefings on algorithm changes affecting earnings or dispatch, negotiate minimum earnings standards, and access independent audits of algorithmic dispatch fairness; (4) prohibit app stores operated by dominant platforms (as defined by market share exceeding 50%) from removing, downranking, or penalizing apps used for worker organizing or collective action; and (5) establish a private right of action for workers subjected to algorithmic retaliation, with reinstatement, back pay, and compensatory and punitive damages.

Platform companies have spent hundreds of millions of dollars on ballot initiatives and lobbying campaigns to prevent gig workers from being classified as employees.

VETS VETS — Veterans Employment and Economic Transition 0/4 active
LABR-VETS-0001 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

The Uniformed Services Employment and Reemployment Rights Act Must Be Strengthened With Criminal Penalties, Expanded Coverage, and a Private Right of Action Without a Filing Fee

This position requires Congress to strengthen USERRA with criminal penalties — up to $100,000 in fines and three years imprisonment — for employers who willfully violate veterans' reemployment rights. Veterans get a direct right to sue in federal court without first filing an administrative complaint. Employers with 50 or more workers must designate a Military Liaison Officer, and military leave may not count against performance metrics or attendance records.

Congress must strengthen the Uniformed Services Employment and Reemployment Rights Act (USERRA) by: (1) establishing criminal penalties — fines up to $100,000 and imprisonment up to 3 years — for employers who willfully violate USERRA reemployment rights, discharge service members in retaliation for military service, or deny veterans the seniority, benefits, or pension accrual they are entitled to upon return; (2) eliminating any requirement that USERRA complaints be filed with DOL before pursuing private litigation — veterans must have a direct private right of action in federal court without exhausting administrative remedies, with attorney's fees awarded to prevailing veterans; (3) extending USERRA coverage to the federal civil service in full — including all agencies, departments, and the Postal Service — with DOJ enforcement authority; (4) requiring employers with more than 50 employees to designate a Military Liaison Officer responsible for ensuring USERRA compliance and serving as a point of contact for service members and veterans; (5) prohibiting any employer from counting military leave against an employee's performance metrics, productivity quotas, or attendance records; and (6) requiring the DOL to publish annual enforcement data on USERRA complaints by industry, employer size, and outcome — with public naming of employers found to have committed willful violations.

USERRA violations — including failure to reemploy returning service members and denial of pension accrual — remain common, particularly at large employers. Many veterans are unaware of their USERRA rights, and the administrative complaint process creates barriers to enforcement.

LABR-VETS-0002 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

The Transition Assistance Program Must Be Reformed Into a Mandatory, Fully Funded 18-Month Pre-Separation Employment and Education Pathway for All Separating Service Members

This position requires Congress to reform the military Transition Assistance Program so that it begins 18 months before separation, is mandatory, and includes individualized career counseling, military-to-civilian skills translation, licensing and certification support, entrepreneurship training, and financial literacy. The Defense Department must track and publish post-separation employment outcomes by branch and demographic to continuously improve the program.

Congress must reform the Transition Assistance Program (TAP) to: (1) begin TAP participation no later than 18 months before a service member's projected separation date — ending the current practice of compressing all transition services into a few days immediately before separation; (2) make TAP participation mandatory for all separating service members, with commanding officers prohibited from waiving participation except in combat emergencies; (3) expand TAP content to include: (a) individualized career counseling with a certified career counselor — minimum 3 sessions; (b) skills translation — converting military occupational specialties and leadership experience into civilian resume language and credentials; (c) licensing and certification pathways — identifying civilian licenses the service member is eligible for based on military training, with full payment of exam and application fees; (d) entrepreneurship track — including business plan development, SBA loan programs, and veteran-owned small business certification; (e) financial literacy — including VA benefits enrollment, GI Bill activation, and retirement planning; (4) fund dedicated TAP coordinators at every installation with more than 500 annual separations; (5) require DOD to track and publish 1-year and 3-year post-separation employment outcomes by branch, MOS, and demographic — and use outcomes data to continuously improve TAP content; and (6) extend TAP access to reserve and National Guard members transitioning from extended active duty orders.

The current TAP program is widely criticized by veterans as superficial and poorly timed, often occurring in the final days before separation when service members are overwhelmed with administrative tasks.

LABR-VETS-0003 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Military Spouses Must Have Priority Access to Federal Employment, Automatic Professional License Portability Across State Lines, and a Right to Remote Work Arrangements During PCS Moves

This position requires Congress to expand hiring preferences for military spouses across all federal agencies including remote positions, enact a federal license portability law granting military spouses a 12-month temporary license in any state within 30 days of a PCS move, require federal contractors with 100 or more employees to offer remote work during relocations, and establish a $100 million annual Military Spouse Entrepreneurship Fund.

Congress must: (1) expand and fully enforce the Military Spouse Preference (MSP) program — requiring all federal agencies to give priority hiring consideration to military spouses for competitive service positions at military installations worldwide, and extending MSP to remote-eligible federal positions when the military spouse is relocating due to a Permanent Change of Station (PCS) order; (2) enact a federal Military Spouse License Portability Act — requiring all states to grant temporary (12-month) professional license recognition to any military spouse who holds a valid license in equivalent good standing from another state, effective within 30 days of PCS relocation, for all licensed professions including: nursing, teaching, social work, law, engineering, real estate, cosmetology, and all other state-licensed professions; (3) require all federal contractors with more than 100 employees to establish a Military Spouse Remote Work Program — offering remote or hybrid work arrangements to military spouse employees during PCS moves, to prevent job loss from relocation; (4) direct the SBA to establish a Military Spouse Entrepreneurship Fund — $100 million annually — providing grants and low-interest loans to military spouse-owned small businesses; (5) require all states receiving federal military installation support to implement military spouse license portability as a condition of federal base support funding; and (6) establish a private right of action for military spouses denied MSP preference or license portability rights, with damages and attorney's fees.

Military spouses face an unemployment rate of approximately 21% — four times the national average — largely due to frequent relocations disrupting careers and forcing license re-application in each new state.

LABR-VETS-0004 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

At Least 30% of All Federal Prime Contracts Must Be Set Aside for Veteran-Owned and Service-Disabled Veteran-Owned Small Businesses

This position requires Congress to increase the federal contracting goal for veteran-owned and service-disabled veteran-owned small businesses to 30% of all prime and subcontract dollars — up from the current 3% goal — with annual agency scorecards, a Veteran Mentor-Protégé Program, and a $500 million Veteran Entrepreneurship Capital Fund to support veteran-owned businesses that cannot access traditional bank financing.

Congress must: (1) increase the federal contracting set-aside goal for veteran-owned small businesses (VOSBs) and service-disabled veteran-owned small businesses (SDVOSBs) to 30% of all federal prime contract and subcontract dollars — up from the current 3% statutory goal — with annual agency scorecards published by OMB showing compliance; (2) require all federal agencies that fail to meet the 30% VOSB/SDVOSB contracting goal for two consecutive fiscal years to submit a remediation plan to Congress and OMB, with potential loss of contracting authority for non-compliant categories; (3) eliminate the requirement that SDVOSBs re-verify eligibility through both VA and SBA — consolidating verification into a single federal portal with a 30-day processing guarantee; (4) expand the definition of "veteran-owned" for contracting purposes to include businesses owned by surviving military spouses and Gold Star family members; (5) establish a Veteran Small Business Mentor-Protégé Program — pairing VOSB/SDVOSB firms with large prime contractors for technical assistance, teaming opportunities, and capacity building — with prime contractors receiving contracting credit for documented mentor-protégé relationships; (6) fund a $500 million Veteran Entrepreneurship Capital Fund — providing equity investments and subordinated debt to veteran-owned businesses in growth stages that cannot access traditional bank financing; and (7) establish criminal liability for any company that fraudulently misrepresents veteran ownership to obtain VOSB/SDVOSB contracting set-asides.

The federal government consistently fails to meet even the existing 3% SDVOSB contracting goal. Veterans own approximately 1.9 million businesses in the U.S., employing over 5 million people — yet federal procurement policies have not kept pace with this economic contribution.

UNON UNON — Union Organizing 0/4 active
LABR-UNON-0001 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

The PRO Act Must Be Enacted — Guaranteeing Card Check Recognition, Mandatory First Contract Arbitration, and Criminal Penalties for Employers Who Interfere With the Right to Organize

This position requires Congress to enact the PRO Act in full — mandating card check recognition, 10-day NLRB elections, binding first contract arbitration within 90 days, a ban on captive audience meetings, a ban on permanently replacing striking workers, personal criminal liability for executives who commit labor violations, and a private right of action for harmed workers with doubled damages for willful retaliation.

Congress must enact the Protecting the Right to Organize (PRO) Act in full — requiring: (1) card check recognition — an employer must recognize a union and begin bargaining immediately when a majority of workers sign authorization cards, without requiring a separate NLRB election when cards demonstrate majority support; (2) if workers choose an NLRB election, it must occur within 10 days of the petition — with all eligibility disputes resolved post-election, not before; (3) mandatory first contract mediation and binding arbitration — if an employer and a newly certified union cannot reach a first contract within 90 days of recognition, either party may request federal mediation; if no agreement is reached within 30 days of mediation, the dispute goes to binding arbitration with a decision enforceable in federal court; (4) ban on captive audience meetings — employers may not require employees to attend meetings at which the employer expresses views on unionization as a condition of employment; (5) ban on hiring permanent replacements for striking workers — making it an unfair labor practice to permanently replace any employee engaged in a lawful strike; (6) personal liability for executives who commit unfair labor practices — with civil penalties up to $50,000 per violation and criminal liability for willful violations, including imprisonment up to 1 year; and (7) a private right of action allowing any worker whose organizing rights were violated to sue the employer for back pay, lost benefits, reinstatement, and attorney's fees, with damages doubled in cases of willful retaliation.

Union membership in the United States has declined from approximately 35% of the workforce in the 1950s to approximately 10% today. Studies show unionized workers earn approximately 10–15% more than comparable non-union workers and are more likely to have employer-provided health insurance and retirement benefits.

LABR-UNON-0002 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Employers Must Publicly Disclose All Payments to Union-Avoidance Consultants, Anti-Union Consultants Must Register With the Department of Labor, and Psychological Manipulation Tactics Used to Discourage Organizing Must Be Prohibited

This position requires Congress to close the loophole that lets employers secretly pay union-busting consultants, require all anti-union firms to register with the DOL in a public database, ban specific union-busting tactics including one-on-one supervisor pressure and worker surveillance, and grant unions equal communication access whenever employers communicate with workers about organizing. Criminal penalties of up to $1 million and five years imprisonment apply for threatening or surveilling workers for union activity.

Congress must: (1) close the "advice exemption" loophole in the Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act (LMRDA) — requiring any employer to publicly disclose all payments to any consultant, attorney, or third party for any service that directly or indirectly persuades workers regarding organizing or collective bargaining, regardless of whether the consultant has direct contact with workers; (2) require all labor relations consultants and union-avoidance firms to register with the Department of Labor, disclose all clients and fees, and file annual reports — with the DOL publishing all disclosures in a public searchable database; (3) ban the following specific union-avoidance tactics: (a) one-on-one meetings between supervisors and workers designed to discourage union support through implied threats; (b) surveillance of union organizing activity, including monitoring of employee communications, social media, or off-premises activity; (c) "predict and predict" profiling of employees based on their likelihood to support a union; (d) spreading provably false information about union dues, strike history, or collective bargaining outcomes — making such conduct an unfair labor practice subject to civil penalties up to $100,000 per incident; (4) require employers to provide equal time and access to union organizers — if an employer holds any captive audience meeting or distributes any anti-union communication, it must provide union representatives equivalent access to workers during work hours; and (5) establish criminal penalties — fines up to $1 million and imprisonment up to 5 years — for any person who intentionally intimidates, threatens, or surveils workers for union activity.

U.S. employers spend an estimated $340 million per year on union-avoidance consultants. The advice exemption in the LMRDA has allowed employers to hide payments to union-busting consultants for decades.

LABR-UNON-0003 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

The Federal Government Must Establish Industry-Wide Wage and Working Conditions Boards for the 10 Largest Low-Wage Sectors — Setting Minimum Standards Applicable to All Employers in the Sector Regardless of Union Status

This position requires Congress to create a Federal Sectoral Bargaining System with Industry Standards Boards for at least 10 major low-wage sectors — including retail, food service, home care, warehousing, domestic work, and agriculture. Each board includes equal worker, employer, and public interest representation with binding authority to set sector-wide wages, maximum hours, minimum leave, safety standards, and scheduling rules that apply to every employer in the sector, with automatic $5,000 per worker per week penalties for noncompliance.

Congress must establish a Federal Sectoral Bargaining System — creating: (1) Industry Standards Boards for at minimum: (a) retail trade; (b) food service and hospitality; (c) home care and personal care; (d) warehouse and logistics; (e) building services and janitorial; (f) childcare and early education; (g) agricultural labor; (h) domestic work; (i) residential construction; (j) long-term care facilities — with additional sectors added by the Secretary of Labor based on workforce size and wage level; (2) board composition — each board consisting of equal numbers of worker representatives (elected by workers in the sector), employer representatives (selected by employer associations), and public interest representatives (appointed by the Secretary of Labor) — with binding authority to set sector-wide: (a) minimum wages above the federal floor; (b) maximum weekly hours without overtime premium; (c) minimum paid leave entitlements; (d) health and safety standards; (e) scheduling notice requirements; (3) board decisions shall be published as binding federal regulations with the force of law, applicable to all employers in the covered sector operating in the United States, preempting any state standard below the board minimum but preserving state authority to exceed it; (4) enforcement through the Department of Labor with automatic civil penalties of $5,000 per worker per week for any employer who pays below board standards, plus back pay and benefits, and a private right of action for any affected worker with damages of 3x wages owed plus attorney's fees; (5) annual adjustment of all board-set standards for inflation, with the board required to reconvene every 3 years to update standards.

More than 50 countries use sectoral bargaining to set wages and conditions across entire industries. Low-wage workers in sectors like retail and food service frequently earn the bare federal minimum with no benefits, scheduling certainty, or voice in working conditions.

LABR-UNON-0004 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Federal Employees Must Have the Full Right to Bargain Collectively Over Wages, Hours, Benefits, and Working Conditions — Reversing Decades of Statutory Exclusions That Deny Public Workers the Same Rights as Private Sector Employees

This position requires Congress to amend the Federal Service Labor-Management Relations Statute to give all federal employees the right to bargain collectively over wages, hours, benefits, staffing levels, and all working conditions. It prohibits any President or agency head from unilaterally voiding a collective bargaining agreement without formal congressional approval, and grants federal unions the right to strike on non-safety issues after exhausting mediation and arbitration.

Congress must: (1) amend the Federal Service Labor-Management Relations Statute (FSLMRS) to: (a) grant all federal employees the right to bargain collectively over wages, hours, benefits, staffing levels, and all other terms and conditions of employment — eliminating all current statutory exclusions of these subjects from the scope of bargaining; (b) prohibit any President or agency head from unilaterally modifying, suspending, or terminating a collective bargaining agreement except through a formal statutory emergency process requiring congressional approval within 60 days; (c) grant federal employee unions the right to strike over non-safety issues after exhausting a mandatory mediation and arbitration process; (2) prohibit any executive order, proclamation, or agency directive that: (a) decertifies a federal union; (b) removes an agency from FSLMRS coverage; (c) imposes contract terms without bargaining — making any such action void and enjoinable in federal court; (3) extend FSLMRS coverage to all federal contractors with 50 or more employees who receive more than $5 million in federal contracts per year — requiring contractors to recognize and bargain with any union representing their workers as a condition of receiving federal funds; (4) establish criminal penalties — fines up to $500,000 per incident and imprisonment up to 3 years — for any federal official who directs, authorizes, or implements an action in willful violation of the collective bargaining rights established by this Act; and (5) establish a private right of action allowing any federal employee union to sue in federal court for injunctive relief, declaratory relief, and damages against any violation of collectively bargained agreements or FSLMRS rights.

Federal employees are currently prohibited from bargaining over wages or benefits under the FSLMRS, unlike workers in most other developed nations. Executive Order 13522 (2009) expanded cooperation but was limited; subsequent administrations have used executive authority to strip federal workers of union rights.

LABR GINC — Guaranteed Income and Economic Security Floor 0/1 active
LABR-GINC-0001 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Congress Must Establish a Federal Guaranteed Minimum Income Program — Providing $1,000 Per Month to Every Adult With Household Income Below 200% of the Federal Poverty Level — As a Floor That Eliminates Extreme Poverty and Provides Economic Security in the Automation Economy

This position requires Congress to establish a federal Guaranteed Income program paying $1,000 per month to every adult whose household income is below 200% of the federal poverty level. Payments are delivered monthly, adjusted annually for inflation, and funded through program consolidation, a 0.05% financial transaction tax, and a carbon dividend. Employers, landlords, and lenders may not use receipt of guaranteed income as grounds to deny a job, housing, or credit.

Congress must: (1) establish the American Guaranteed Income Act — providing $1,000 per month ($12,000 per year) to every adult aged 18 or older whose household income is below 200% of the federal poverty level — with payments: (a) delivered monthly via direct deposit, prepaid debit card, or check — whichever the recipient chooses; (b) treated as taxable income above the poverty line but not subject to any means-tested benefit offset for the first 3 years of receipt; (c) automatically adjusted for inflation annually using the Consumer Price Index; (2) fund the program through: (a) consolidation and partial replacement of duplicative means-tested programs — redirecting funds from TANF, portions of SNAP, and housing assistance for recipients who choose the cash alternative; (b) a financial transaction tax of 0.05% on all stock, bond, and derivative trades; (c) a carbon dividend — returning 50% of all federal carbon pricing revenue equally to all eligible recipients; (3) protect benefit recipients — prohibiting any reduction, suspension, or termination of guaranteed income payments without: (a) written notice 30 days in advance; (b) a fair hearing process; (c) judicial review; (4) prohibit any private employer, landlord, or lender from using receipt of guaranteed income as grounds for denial of employment, housing, or credit; (5) criminal penalties for any official who diverts guaranteed income funds; and (6) a private right of action for any eligible person wrongfully denied payments, with damages equal to all withheld payments plus interest plus attorney's fees.

Guaranteed income pilot programs in Stockton, California and dozens of other cities have shown positive outcomes in employment, health, and financial stability for recipients. Approximately 11.5% of Americans — 37.9 million people — live below the federal poverty line.

GIG GIG — Gig Economy and Platform Worker Protections 0/3 active
LABR-GIGS-0032 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Congress Must Enact a Federal ABC Test Requiring All Gig Platforms — Including Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, Amazon Flex, and Instacart — to Classify Workers as Employees Unless the Platform Can Prove the Worker Is Genuinely Independent, Performs Work Outside the Platform's Core Business, and Operates an Independent Trade

This position requires Congress to enact a federal ABC test establishing a legal presumption that any worker is an employee unless the hiring entity proves all three prongs. The standard supersedes any weaker state law, applies to all federal and state labor laws, and prohibits platforms from conditioning work access on waiving classification rights. Platforms with revenue above $100 million must provide all workers a minimum earnings floor of 120% of minimum wage after expenses, transparent pay calculations, and advance notice of pay rate changes.

Congress must: (1) establish a federal ABC Test for employment classification — codifying that any worker is presumed to be an employee unless the hiring entity can prove all three of: (A) the worker is free from the control and direction of the hiring entity in connection with the performance of work; (B) the worker performs work that is outside the usual course of the hiring entity's business; (C) the worker is customarily engaged in an independently established trade, occupation, or business of the same nature as the work performed; (2) apply this federal standard to all federal and state labor, employment, tax, and benefits laws — superseding any state-level worker status laws that provide weaker protections; (3) prohibit any company from conditioning work availability, algorithmic assignment, or deactivation on a worker's waiver of employment classification rights; (4) require all gig platforms with annual revenue above $100 million to provide all workers — regardless of classification — with: (a) a minimum earnings floor of 120% of the applicable minimum wage after expenses; (b) transparent algorithmic pay calculation that workers can audit; (c) advance notice of pay rate changes; (5) criminal penalties — fines up to $10,000 per misclassified worker per year and imprisonment up to 5 years — for any company officer who knowingly misclassifies workers; and (6) a private right of action for any misclassified worker to recover all unpaid wages, benefits, and employment tax contributions plus treble damages and attorney's fees.

An estimated 10–15% of the U.S. workforce is misclassified as independent contractors, costing workers billions in wages, benefits, and employment tax protections annually. California's AB5 and the Biden administration's 2024 DOL rule both moved toward stronger worker classification standards before facing legal challenges.

LABR-GIGS-0033 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Congress Must Establish a Federal Portable Benefits System Ensuring All Platform and Gig Workers — Regardless of Employment Classification — Have Access to Prorated Health Insurance, Paid Leave, Retirement Savings Contributions, and Workers' Compensation Proportional to Hours Worked

This position requires Congress to create a Federal Portable Benefits Fund requiring gig platforms with more than 100 workers to contribute 15% of each worker's earnings to portable benefit accounts covering health insurance, paid sick leave, paid family leave, retirement savings, and workers' compensation. Accounts are fully transferable between platforms, and platforms may not reduce base pay to offset contribution obligations.

Congress must: (1) establish a Federal Portable Benefits Fund — requiring all gig platforms and app-based employers with more than 100 workers to contribute to a portable benefits account for each worker at a rate of at least 15% of all earnings paid to that worker; (2) worker portable benefits accounts must fund access to: (a) health insurance through ACA marketplace plans with employer contribution equivalent to employer-sponsored coverage; (b) paid sick leave — accruing at 1 hour per 30 hours worked with no cap below 80 hours; (c) paid family and medical leave — accruing at equivalent rates to FMLA coverage for full-time employees; (d) retirement savings — with platform contributions to a portable IRA or 401(k) equivalent; (e) workers' compensation coverage for any injury occurring during or arising from platform-assigned work; (3) portable benefits accounts must be fully transferable between platforms — workers cannot lose accrued benefits by switching platforms or taking on multiple platforms; (4) prohibit any platform from reducing base pay rates or increasing fees to offset portable benefits contributions; (5) criminal penalties — fines up to $50,000 per worker and imprisonment up to 3 years — for any platform that deducts portable benefits costs from worker pay or retaliates against workers who exercise portable benefits rights; and (6) a private right of action for any worker denied portable benefits they are owed, with recovery of all missed contributions plus interest plus attorney's fees.

Gig workers are currently excluded from most federal labor protections including the NLRA, FLSA overtime rules, employer-sponsored benefits, and workers' compensation in most states. Studies show gig workers earn significantly less per hour than comparable employees once expenses, taxes, and lack of benefits are factored in.

LABR-GIGS-0034 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Congress Must Require All Gig and Platform Companies to Disclose the Algorithms Used to Assign Work, Set Pay, and Deactivate Workers — And Prohibit Any Algorithm That Discriminates Based on Protected Class or Retaliates Against Workers Who Exercise Labor Rights

This position requires Congress to enact the Platform Worker Algorithmic Accountability Act, requiring large gig platforms to explain how work is assigned and pay is calculated, publish annual algorithmic transparency reports, and conduct annual disparate impact audits by race, sex, and age. Any adverse action within six months of a labor complaint or protected activity is presumptively retaliatory. Platforms must give workers 14 days' notice and an appeal opportunity before deactivation.

Congress must: (1) establish the Platform Worker Algorithmic Accountability Act — requiring all gig platforms with more than 10,000 workers to: (a) provide each worker with a plain-language explanation of how work is assigned, how pay is calculated, and what behaviors lead to deactivation; (b) publish an annual Algorithmic Transparency Report disclosing the factors used in algorithmic work assignment and pay calculation and any changes made in the prior year; (c) conduct and publish annual disparate impact audits examining whether the platform's algorithms result in lower earnings, fewer work assignments, or higher deactivation rates for workers of color, women, older workers, or workers who have exercised labor rights; (2) prohibit any algorithmic or automated system from: (a) reducing work assignments, lowering pay rates, or deactivating any worker within 6 months of that worker filing a labor complaint, joining a worker organization, or participating in any protected concerted activity; (b) producing outcomes that have a statistically significant disparate impact on protected classes without a legitimate, non-discriminatory justification; (3) require all platforms to provide workers with 14 days' written notice and an opportunity to appeal before deactivation; (4) establish FTC and DOL joint enforcement authority over platform algorithmic accountability; (5) criminal penalties — fines up to $100 million per audit failure and imprisonment up to 10 years — for any platform executive who falsifies algorithmic audit results; and (6) a private right of action for any worker who suffers algorithmic discrimination or retaliation, with damages of lost earnings plus punitive damages plus attorney's fees.

Gig platforms use opaque algorithmic systems to assign work, set pay, and deactivate workers — with no legal requirement to explain their decisions or submit to independent audits. Studies have found evidence of racial disparities in algorithmic pay and work assignment on major gig platforms.

LABR WGTH — Wage Theft Enforcement 0/2 proposed
LABR-WGTH-0001 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Congress Must Criminalize Systematic Wage Theft, Establish a Federal Wage Theft Enforcement Unit Within DOL and DOJ, and Create a Private Right of Action for All Wage Theft Victims With Treble Damages and Attorney's Fees

This position requires Congress to criminalize systematic wage theft — any employer who knowingly shortchanges 10 or more employees faces federal felony charges with up to $1 million in fines and 10 years imprisonment for responsible officers. A joint DOL-DOJ Federal Wage Theft Enforcement Unit is established with a public tip line. A public Federal Wage Theft Registry bars listed employers from government contracts. Victims have a private right of action for all unpaid wages plus triple damages and attorney fees.

Congress must: (1) enact the Wage Theft Prevention and Wage Recovery Act — establishing that any employer who: (a) knowingly fails to pay minimum wage or overtime to 10 or more employees in any 12-month period; (b) knowingly misclassifies 10 or more employees as independent contractors to avoid wage and benefit obligations; (c) requires employees to work off the clock, donate tips, or pay back wages through illegal deductions — is guilty of federal wage theft, a felony carrying: (i) fines up to $1 million per violation; (ii) imprisonment up to 10 years for any officer who authorized the wage theft; (iii) mandatory full restitution to all affected workers; (2) establish a Federal Wage Theft Enforcement Unit jointly operated by DOL and DOJ — with dedicated investigators, prosecutors, and a public tip line — with mandatory annual reporting to Congress; (3) require the IRS to share information with DOL on employers with large numbers of misclassified contractors; (4) establish a public Federal Wage Theft Registry — listing all employers with final wage theft violations — and prohibiting any employer on the registry from receiving federal contracts; (5) require all federal contractors to certify no wage theft violations in the prior 3 years as a condition of contract award; (6) a private right of action for any wage theft victim — recovering all unpaid wages plus treble damages plus attorney's fees — with a 6-year statute of limitations and no requirement to exhaust administrative remedies.

Wage theft — including minimum wage violations, overtime theft, and illegal deductions — costs U.S. workers an estimated $50 billion per year — more than all property crime combined. Despite its scale, wage theft is rarely prosecuted criminally; most enforcement relies on underfunded DOL investigation with civil penalties too small to deter large employers.

LABR-WGTH-0002 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Congress Must Prohibit Pre-Dispute Mandatory Arbitration Clauses in All Employment Contracts for Wage, Discrimination, Harassment, and Safety Claims — Restoring Workers' Access to Courts and Class Actions

This position requires Congress to ban pre-dispute mandatory arbitration in all employment contracts for wage, discrimination, harassment, and safety claims — restoring workers' right to go to court and join class actions. Employers may not condition a job or promotion on signing an arbitration agreement, existing such provisions are voided for unresolved claims, and all employment arbitration awards must be published publicly.

Congress must: (1) enact the Ending Forced Arbitration of Employment Claims Act — prohibiting any employer from including or enforcing any pre-dispute mandatory arbitration agreement covering: (a) wage and hour claims including minimum wage, overtime, and tip violations; (b) employment discrimination claims under Title VII, the ADA, ADEA, or any federal civil rights law; (c) sexual harassment or assault claims; (d) workplace safety and retaliation claims; (2) prohibit any employer from conditioning employment, promotion, or benefits on agreement to mandatory arbitration; (3) void any existing mandatory arbitration provision in any employment contract for any of the above claim categories — retroactively as to any unresolved claim; (4) prohibit any employer from using class action waivers in employment contracts to prevent workers from joining collective wage or discrimination claims; (5) require employers to pay all costs of any arbitration they demand — workers may never be required to pay arbitration fees; (6) require all arbitration awards in employment cases to be published in a publicly searchable database — ending the secrecy that allows serial harassers and wage thieves to avoid accountability; (7) criminal penalties — fines up to $500,000 and imprisonment up to 3 years — for any employer who retaliates against an employee for refusing to sign or challenging a mandatory arbitration agreement; and (8) a private right of action for any worker whose arbitration rights were violated.

An estimated 60 million American workers are currently subject to mandatory arbitration agreements — more than are covered by union contracts. Studies show that workers win significantly less in mandatory arbitration than in court, and class action waivers prevent workers from aggregating small wage claims that are uneconomical to pursue individually.

LABR TIPD — Tipped Worker Protections 0/1 proposed
LABR-TIPD-0001 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Congress Must Phase Out the Federal Tipped Minimum Wage — Eliminating the Sub-Minimum $2.13 Per Hour Wage for Tipped Workers — and Require All Gratuities to Be Paid Directly to the Workers Who Earned Them, With No Employer Skimming

This position requires Congress to phase out the federal tipped minimum wage — currently $2.13 per hour — over three years, so all workers including tipped employees receive the full minimum wage before any tips are counted. Tips belong entirely to the worker; employers may not use tips to offset their wage obligation, retain any portion, or include managers in tip pools. All tip income must be tracked through certified payroll systems to protect workers' future Social Security and Medicare benefits.

Congress must: (1) phase out the federal tipped minimum wage — establishing that: (a) within 3 years of enactment, all employers must pay all employees — including tipped workers — the full federal minimum wage before tips; (b) any tips received are entirely in addition to the minimum wage — employers may not use tips to satisfy any portion of their minimum wage obligation; (c) during the transition period, the tipped minimum wage must increase annually to close the gap between the current $2.13 and the full minimum wage; (2) prohibit any employer from: (a) retaining any portion of employee tips for any purpose — including administrative fees, credit card processing costs, or to fund employer-owned tip pools; (b) including non-tipped supervisory employees in any tip pool; (c) requiring workers to share tips with any employee who does not customarily receive tips; (3) require all tipped wages and tip income to be tracked and reported using a DOL-certified payroll system — ending cash-based tip underreporting that harms workers' future Social Security and Medicare benefits; (4) establish DOL enforcement with penalties of up to $10,000 per violation per pay period; (5) criminal penalties — fines up to $500,000 and imprisonment up to 5 years — for any employer who skims tips or falsifies payroll records; and (6) a private right of action for any tipped worker whose wages or tips were stolen, with recovery of all withheld amounts plus treble damages plus attorney's fees.

The federal tipped minimum wage of $2.13 per hour has not been raised since 1991,[8] leaving millions of restaurant and service workers dependent on tips to reach minimum wage. Tipped workers — who are disproportionately women and workers of color — experience poverty rates nearly twice the overall workforce average.

LABR WRHS — Warehouse and Logistics Worker Protections 0/1 proposed
LABR-WRHS-0001 Proposal
🔵 Proposal — Under Review

Congress Must Prohibit the Use of Algorithmic Productivity Monitoring Systems That Deny Workers Sufficient Time for Bathroom Breaks, Impose Injury-Causing Pace Quotas, or Generate Disciplinary Actions Without Human Review — and Require Full Transparency to Workers About All Monitoring Systems Used in Their Workplace

This position requires Congress to enact the Warehouse Worker Protection Act — prohibiting any automated productivity monitoring system that generates disciplinary actions without human review, tracks workers during bathroom breaks, or sets quotas certified by a qualified ergonomist to exceed safe physical limits. Employers must provide each worker a written disclosure — in their primary language — of every monitoring system in use, every metric measured, and exactly how those metrics affect employment decisions.

Congress must: (1) enact the Warehouse Worker Protection Act — establishing that no employer in any warehouse, distribution center, fulfillment center, or logistics facility may: (a) use any automated productivity monitoring or quota system that: (i) generates a disciplinary action, termination recommendation, or performance warning against any worker without human review and approval by a manager who has personally reviewed the worker's actual working conditions on the day in question; (ii) tracks or penalizes any worker for time spent on bathroom breaks, medical breaks required by a disability, or time spent reporting an injury to a supervisor; (iii) sets productivity quotas that would require a worker to forgo bathroom breaks, forego meal periods, or work at a pace that a qualified ergonomist certifies exceeds safe physical limits; (b) discipline or terminate any worker for failure to meet a productivity quota without providing the worker a written explanation of the quota methodology, the worker's measured performance, and the specific data used in the evaluation; (2) require all employers using any automated monitoring system to: (a) provide each worker a written disclosure — in the worker's primary language — describing every monitoring system in use, every metric measured, and how metrics are used in employment decisions; (b) provide each worker, upon request, a copy of all data collected about them and all automated assessments generated about their performance — within 10 business days; (c) post a summary of all monitoring systems in use in a location accessible to all workers; (3) establish an OSHA and DOL joint investigation unit for warehouse worker safety — with authority to inspect any facility and compel disclosure of any algorithmic monitoring system; (4) civil penalties of $50,000 per worker per violation; (5) criminal penalties — fines up to $1 million and imprisonment up to 5 years — for any employer who terminates workers to avoid providing required disclosures or who retaliates against workers for requesting their monitoring data; and (6) a private right of action for any worker whose rights under this Act were violated, with reinstatement, back pay, and treble damages.

Amazon and other large logistics employers have developed algorithmic productivity monitoring systems that track worker movements to the second — with documented cases of workers being disciplined for taking bathroom breaks, and injury rates at Amazon warehouses running significantly higher than industry averages. Workers have reported being afraid to stop to use the bathroom for fear that their productivity metrics would drop and trigger automated disciplinary warnings.

Research & Context

The Economic Policy Institute estimates that workers lose $50 billion annually to wage theft—a figure that exceeds all robbery, burglary, larceny, and motor vehicle theft combined.[1] Yet the Department of Labor's Wage and Hour Division recovered only $274 million in back wages in 2022, a fraction of total violations. Underfunding of enforcement agencies means the vast majority of wage theft goes unaddressed, concentrated in low-wage industries where workers have the least power to self-advocate.

Union membership decline is not organic—it is the product of legal permissiveness toward employer interference.[2] A 2019 Economic Policy Institute study found that in 41.5% of union elections, employers commit unfair labor practices; that illegal firings occur in 20% of campaigns; and that penalties are so weak that employers routinely absorb them as a cost of doing business. The National Labor Relations Board's remedial powers are severely limited compared to the economic leverage employers hold during organizing campaigns.

Gig economy misclassification denies an estimated 10-15% of the American workforce access to minimum wage protections, overtime, unemployment insurance, workers' compensation, and collective bargaining rights.[3] The California Supreme Court's ABC test (codified in AB5) and subsequent Congressional proposals for national standards reflect growing consensus that classification should be determined by actual working conditions, not corporate labeling preferences.

Research on sectoral bargaining—the model used in Germany, Denmark, and much of Europe—shows that industry-wide wage floors produce lower inequality, higher productivity, and more stable labor markets than enterprise-only bargaining. Countries with sectoral bargaining consistently show lower wage dispersion, higher union coverage, and better outcomes for low-wage workers than the U.S. enterprise-only system.

Non-compete agreements suppress wages and reduce job mobility for an estimated 30 million American workers—approximately one in five. The FTC’s 2024 rulemaking found that banning non-competes would increase workers’ earnings by $250 to $296 billion per year; federal courts blocked the rule, but the legislative need remains urgent. These agreements appear in fast food, childcare, and security work—contexts where no legitimate trade secret interest exists—functioning purely to trap workers in lower-wage jobs.[4]

Domestic workers—nannies, housekeepers, home health aides—remain excluded from the National Labor Relations Act and, in many respects, the Fair Labor Standards Act. The DOL estimates more than 600,000 domestic workers employed by private households; over 90% are women, many are immigrants, and the workforce is disproportionately women of color. These exclusions date to 1930s New Deal compromises that traded Southern Congressional support by excluding industries where Black workers were concentrated.[5]

Heat-related workplace deaths and injuries represent a growing crisis. In 2023, approximately 207 workers died from extreme heat exposure and over 1,800 were injured in officially reported cases; broader research estimates approximately 28,000 workplace injuries per year attributable to heat exposure.[6] OSHA has lacked a specific heat standard for over 50 years despite repeated petitions. States with occupational heat standards consistently show lower heat-related injury rates.

References

  1. Cooper, D., & Kroeger, T. (2017). Employers steal billions from workers' paychecks each year. Economic Policy Institute. https://www.epi.org/publication/employers-steal-billions-from-workers-paychecks-each-year/
  2. McNicholas, C., Poydock, M., Wolfe, J., Zipperer, B., Lafer, G., & Loustaunau, L. (2019). Unlawful: U.S. employers are charged with violating federal law in 41.5% of all union election campaigns. Economic Policy Institute. https://www.epi.org/publication/unlawful-employer-opposition-to-union-elections/
  3. U.S. Department of Labor. (2024). Employee or independent contractor classification under the Fair Labor Standards Act. Federal Register. https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2024/01/10/2024-00067/
  4. Federal Trade Commission. (2024). Non-compete clause rule (16 CFR Part 910). https://www.ftc.gov/legal-library/browse/rules/non-compete-rule
  5. U.S. Department of Labor, Women’s Bureau. (2020). Domestic workers in the United States. https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WB/Files/DomesticWorkersFactSheet.pdf
  6. National Safety Council. (2024). Exposure to environmental heat: Data details. Injury Facts. https://injuryfacts.nsc.org/work/safety-topics/exposure-to-environmental-heat/data-details/
  7. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2024). Union members — 2023 (USDL-24-0064). https://www.bls.gov/news.release/union2.nr0.htm
  8. Congressional Research Service. (2023). The federal minimum wage: In brief (Report No. R43089). https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R43089
  9. American Transportation Research Institute. (2023). An analysis of the operational costs of trucking: A 2023 update. https://atri-online.org/2023/10/23/an-analysis-of-the-operational-costs-of-trucking-a-2023-update/