This pillar exists to make rights explicit, modern, durable, and harder to roll back. It reduces ambiguity where ambiguity enables abuse, clarifies intent where bad-faith interpretation is likely, and provides both techn
This pillar exists to make rights explicit, modern, durable, and harder to roll back. It reduces ambiguity where ambiguity enables abuse, clarifies intent where bad-faith interpretation is likely, and provides both technical legal protections and plain-language statements of purpose.
Fundamental rights and civil liberties must be explicit, enforceable, broadly protective, materially meaningful, adaptable to future developments, and difficult for government to erode. Rights must be interpreted in favor of liberty, dignity, bodily autonomy, privacy, equal citizenship, and protection from arbitrary intrusion.
Many essential protections are not stated plainly in the Constitution or are left to shifting judicial interpretation, which makes them easier to attack, narrow, or erase when political power changes hands. Existing constitutional language also leaves gaps around privacy, bodily autonomy, digital life, medical freedom, equality, state abuse, corporate power, and emerging technologies. The Ninth Amendment recognizes unenumerated rights but has been functionally symbolic rather than enforceable. Privacy rights are implied by the Fourth Amendment and penumbras but not explicit.[1] Bodily autonomy protections are incomplete and vulnerable to ideological reversal. Equality protections do not explicitly cover sexual orientation, romantic orientation, gender identity, or other characteristics. Digital privacy, data collection, government surveillance, and tech-enabled manipulation are barely addressed by constitutional text written before these technologies existed.[1] Social and economic rights like healthcare, housing, paid leave, and basic income are not recognized as rights at all. Civil asset forfeiture allows property seizure without conviction, violating due process principles.[2] The result is a system where fundamental freedoms depend on judicial trends, political control, and good faith rather than clear, durable constitutional protections.[3]
This platform treats the right to clean water and clean air as fundamental human rights that must be legally secured — both through strong federal statutory rights with individual standing in the near term, and through constitutional amendment as part of the Third Bill of Rights in the long term. No explicit constitutional guarantee of clean water or clean air currently exists in U.S. law; the Safe Drinking Water Act and Clean Air Act establish regulatory floors but do not create enforceable individual rights, remain subject to political rollback, and have consistently failed communities whose water and air have been poisoned by industrial pollution, inadequate infrastructure, and government negligence.
The philosophical grounding is simple and unanswerable: the Declaration of Independence declares life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness to be self-evident, unalienable rights. Water is not a policy preference. Water is a prerequisite for life itself. Without water, there is no life to protect, no liberty to exercise, no happiness to pursue. The logical chain is not complicated — a legal system that recognizes the right to life but refuses to protect access to the substance that sustains life is not coherent. Every other recognized right presupposes a living person. Water is what makes a living person possible.
Acknowledging complexity where it exists: in 17 Western states, water rights are governed by the prior appropriation doctrine ("first in time, first in right"), and establishing a federal constitutional water right would implicate existing property rights in ways that require careful legal architecture — specifically, a constitutional water right framework must address how to resolve conflicts with senior appropriators without creating unconstitutional takings. This platform acknowledges that complexity and does not pretend it is simple. But complexity in implementation is not an argument against the right itself. We do not say people have no right to clean air because regulating emissions is complicated. The right exists; the legal machinery to implement it must be built accordingly. The near-term legislative path: federal statutory rights with individual standing to sue, non-rollback floors, and affordability protections — achievable without a constitutional amendment. The long-term path: constitutional entrenchment so no future administration or Congress can legislate clean water and air rights away.
See also: Environment & Agriculture Pillar for water conservation, desalination, and infrastructure policy; Technology & AI Pillar for data center water consumption rules.
The Ninth Amendment's promise that rights not listed are not therefore denied must have enforcement teeth. Courts must interpret it as a live provision, not a historical footnote.
Privacy is implied but never stated. An explicit constitutional right to privacy must be modern enough to cover biometric data, behavioral tracking, and AI-driven profiling.
Bodily autonomy rights must be explicit, durable, and beyond the reach of simple legislative reversal. The Comstock Act of 1873, a nineteenth-century anti-obscenity law, must be repealed in full — it has no legitimate role in a constitutional system that recognizes reproductive autonomy as a fundamental right.
Discrimination on the basis of who you are or whom you love must have the same constitutional force as race and sex discrimination.
Freedom without material security is freedom in name only. The platform recognizes economic rights as rights — enforceable, not merely aspirational.
No person should be compelled to drink poisoned water or breathe toxic air. These are not policy preferences — they are baseline conditions for human dignity.
Civil liberties are tested at every intersection — in policing, digital surveillance, bodily autonomy, and the rights of non-citizens.
This pillar is structured to establish a foundational rights framework that strengthens and operationalizes the Ninth Amendment, requires rights provisions to include both technical legal language and plain-language statements of purpose and intent, requires interpretation in favor of liberty and dignity rather than narrow textualism, and mandates that new laws affecting fundamental rights disclose what rights are implicated, what government interest is asserted, and why the law is narrowly tailored. Rights are organized into coherent categories: privacy and data (general right to privacy, warrants for government data access, bans on warrantless bulk collection and government purchase of personal data, control over personally identifying information); bodily autonomy (abortion, contraception, gender-affirming care, ban on conversion therapy and non-consensual intersex surgeries, forced sterilization prohibitions); equality (expanded protections including sexual orientation and romantic orientation, anti-discrimination in law, enforcement, voting, employment, housing, education, healthcare); freedom of conscience (both freedom of religion and freedom from religion, with clear limits on religious excuses for abuse); due process (ban on indefinite detention, offshore incarceration, mass internment, kill lists without due process); social and economic rights (healthcare, housing, paid leave, basic income, livable wage, social insurance, labor rights); children's and parental rights (balanced protections for both); immigration protections (core due process and dignity for all persons in U.S. jurisdiction); environmental rights; emerging technology protections (ban on unreviewable AI decisions, right to explanation and human review, restrictions on biometric surveillance); and firearms regulation (explicit authority to regulate, private army prohibitions, training and safety requirements). The design incorporates enforcement mechanisms, remedies, rights-conflict resolution principles, and anti-backsliding protections.
Every rule in this pillar, organized by policy area. Active rules are current platform commitments. Partial rules are in development. Proposed rules are planned for future inclusion.
RGHT-BODS-0001
Included
Every person has the right to make decisions about their own body without government interference. This position establishes bodily autonomy as a foundational right that underpins all other personal freedoms.
Bodily autonomy
Explicitly protects bodily autonomy as a fundamental right, establishing that individuals have the right to make decisions about their own bodies, medical care, and personal physical integrity without government interference except in narrowly defined circumstances where another person's rights are directly implicated.
RGHT-BODS-0002
Included
This position guarantees the right to abortion as part of a person's fundamental autonomy over their own body. The government may not ban, restrict, or criminalize abortion access.
Abortion rights
Protects the right to abortion as part of bodily autonomy, codifying protections similar to Roe v. Wade and ensuring access to abortion care is a federal constitutional right not subject to state-by-state elimination.
RGHT-BODS-0003
Included
This position guarantees the right to access contraception without government interference. People have the right to decide if and when to have children, and no law may block access to birth control.
Contraception rights
Protects the right to access and use contraception, ensuring that birth control cannot be restricted or banned by states or federal government and that access is protected as part of medical privacy and bodily autonomy.
RGHT-BODS-0004
Included
This position guarantees the right to access gender-affirming medical care — treatment that helps transgender and nonbinary people live consistent with their gender identity. No government may ban or restrict this care.
Gender affirming care
Protects the right to access gender-affirming medical care including hormone therapy, surgical interventions, and related treatments, ensuring that transgender and gender-nonconforming people can make their own medical decisions with their healthcare providers without government prohibition.
RGHT-BODS-0005
Included
This position prohibits non-consensual surgeries performed on intersex children — people born with sex characteristics that do not fit typical male or female definitions — before they are old enough to consent. Intersex people deserve the right to make their own medical decisions about their own bodies.
Ban intersex surgeries
Bans medically unnecessary, non-consensual surgeries on intersex infants and children except narrowly defined emergency circumstances, protecting intersex individuals from irreversible procedures performed without their informed consent and addressing a documented history of harmful medical practices.
RGHT-BODS-0006
Included
This position prohibits conversion therapy — practices that attempt to change a person's sexual orientation or gender identity. These practices cause serious psychological harm and have no valid medical basis.
Ban conversion therapy
Bans conversion therapy (attempts to change sexual orientation or gender identity through psychological or physical interventions), which is abusive, ineffective, and causes significant psychological harm, particularly to minors.
RGHT-BODS-0007
Proposed
This position prohibits forced sterilization in every context, including the criminal justice system, immigration detention, disability guardianship, and public benefits programs. No person may be sterilized without their genuine, informed, and voluntary consent.
Forced sterilization is prohibited in all contexts including criminal justice immigration disability guardianship public benefits and medical systems
Comprehensive prohibition on forced sterilization addressing both historical abuses (eugenics-era forced sterilization) and ongoing coercive practices in various institutional contexts. Protects vulnerable populations including incarcerated people, immigrants, disabled people, those under guardianship, and public benefits recipients.
RGHT-BODS-0008
Proposed
This position prohibits any government body, court, or private institution from requiring a person to be sterilized as a condition of legal recognition, release from confinement, receipt of treatment, or legal compliance. Sterilization must never be used as a condition for accessing rights or services.
No government institution court agency or private actor may require sterilization as a condition of status recognition confinement release treatment or legal compliance
Clarifies that sterilization cannot be used as a bargaining chip or requirement in any legal, administrative, or institutional process. Prevents coercive sterilization requirements in contexts like gender marker changes, criminal sentencing, immigration status, medical treatment access, or other situations where people might feel compelled to undergo sterilization to obtain rights or freedom.
RGHT-BODS-0009
Included
This position requires Congress to repeal the Comstock Act — a 19th-century law that has been used to restrict the mailing of reproductive health materials and supplies. Removing this outdated law ensures that archaic morality statutes cannot be weaponized to block access to legal healthcare.
Repeal the Comstock Act
Repeal the Comstock Act and any surviving federal provisions that suppress lawful healthcare or reproductive autonomy through archaic morality law.
The Comstock Act of 1873 — an anti-obscenity law — has been selectively revived as a vector to restrict access to abortion medication and reproductive healthcare materials sent through the mail. Repeal eliminates a nineteenth-century morality law that has no legitimate place in a system that treats bodily autonomy as a constitutional right. The platform position is explicit and affirmative: this law must go, and no equivalent provision may replace it.
RGHT-BODS-0010
Proposal
Federal law prohibits any state or federal ban on gender-affirming medical care — including hormone therapy and surgery — for adults when prescribed by a licensed healthcare provider. This position also bans forced detransition and requires insurance plans, including Medicaid and Medicare, to cover gender-affirming care.
Federal prohibition on bans of gender-affirming care for adults; ban on forced detransition; insurance coverage mandate
No state or federal law may prohibit adults from accessing gender-affirming medical care — including hormone therapy, surgical interventions, and related treatments — prescribed by a licensed healthcare provider; no government actor may compel an individual to detransition, discontinue gender-affirming care, or revert to a prior gender expression; private health insurance, employer-sponsored insurance, Medicaid, and Medicare must cover gender-affirming care under the same terms and cost-sharing applicable to other medically necessary care; enforcement includes a private right of action against insurance plan violations and state prohibition enactments.
Every major medical association — including the American Medical Association, American Academy of Pediatrics, American Psychological Association, and Endocrine Society — recognizes gender-affirming care as evidence-based, medically necessary treatment for gender dysphoria. Over 20 states have enacted laws restricting or banning gender-affirming care for minors; some have extended those restrictions to adults or created chilling effects on adult care access. The Supreme Court's decision in United States v. Skrmetti (2025) permitted Tennessee's ban on gender-affirming care for minors under rational basis review, exposing adult care bans to the same legal theory. While RGHT-BODS-0004 protects the right to access gender-affirming care generally, this rule adds specific enforcement mechanisms not covered there: the insurance coverage mandate, the forced-detransition prohibition, and individual private rights of action against violating entities. Cross-reference: RGHT-BODS-0004 (right to gender-affirming care); RGHT-EQTS-0005 (Equality Act); RGHT-STAS-0002 (statutory LGBTQ+ protections).
RGHT-EDUS-0001
Proposed
This position establishes access to a quality public education as a fundamental right for every person. No child may be denied an education, and the government bears the obligation to ensure schools are adequately funded and accessible to all.
Right to education
Recognizes education as a fundamental right, ensuring all children have access to quality public education regardless of geography, wealth, or background. Part of broader framework ensuring children's rights to development, opportunity, and future participation in society.
RGHT-EQTS-0001
Included
This position requires that civil rights protections be expanded beyond their current scope to cover more people and more situations. Equal treatment under the law must apply to everyone, regardless of who they are or where they live.
Expanded equality protections
Explicitly guarantees equal rights and equal protection beyond current constitutional text, covering categories not currently enumerated and establishing a clear, enforceable framework for equality that is harder to narrow through judicial interpretation.
RGHT-EQTS-0002
Included
This position requires that federal civil rights and anti-discrimination laws explicitly protect people based on their sexual orientation. Gay, lesbian, and bisexual people are guaranteed the same legal protections as everyone else.
Include sexual orientation
Explicitly includes sexual orientation as a protected characteristic in equal protection guarantees, ensuring LGBTQ+ individuals have the same constitutional protections as other groups and preventing discrimination based on who someone loves or is attracted to.
RGHT-EQTS-0003
Included
This position requires that civil rights protections explicitly cover a person's romantic orientation — who they are romantically attracted to — in addition to sexual orientation. No person may be discriminated against based on whom they love.
Include romantic orientation
Explicitly includes romantic orientation as a protected characteristic, recognizing that romantic attraction and sexual attraction can differ and protecting aromantic and other individuals whose romantic orientation may differ from sexual orientation.
RGHT-EQTS-0004
Included
This position requires that the framework for equality protections be designed to grow over time, so that new categories of people facing discrimination can be added without starting from scratch. Rights must be able to keep up with our evolving understanding of human dignity.
Expandable protections
Clarifies that the list of protected characteristics is not exhaustive and can expand as understanding develops, allowing equal protection to cover future-recognized categories without requiring constitutional amendment for each addition. Treats equal protection as a floor that can be built upon, not a ceiling.
RGHT-EQTS-0005
Proposal
This position requires Congress to pass the Equality Act — comprehensive federal legislation that prohibits discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity, and intersex status in employment, housing, credit, public accommodations, education, and jury service. It closes the gaps in current law that leave LGBTQ+ people unprotected in large parts of the country.
Equality Act: comprehensive federal LGBTQ+ non-discrimination statute covering employment, housing, credit, public accommodations, education, jury service, and federally funded programs
Congress must enact comprehensive federal legislation prohibiting discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity, and intersex status in employment, housing, credit, public accommodations, education, jury service, and all federally funded programs; the statute must include a private right of action with compensatory and punitive damages and mandatory fee-shifting to prevailing plaintiffs; the Religious Freedom Restoration Act may not be used as a defense against third-party discrimination claims under this statute; enforcement through both the Department of Justice and private plaintiffs is required.
The Equality Act, introduced in multiple congressional sessions, would provide comprehensive federal LGBTQ+ non-discrimination protection. RGHT-STAS-0002 codifies Bostock v. Clayton County (2020) across existing statutes; the Equality Act goes further by creating an affirmative, standalone non-discrimination framework that explicitly covers credit (Equal Credit Opportunity Act), jury service, and all federally funded programs — domains not covered by the existing statutory framework. LGBTQ+ people, and especially transgender people, face documented discrimination in mortgage lending and credit access. The jury service provision prevents the exclusion of LGBTQ+ individuals from jury pools based on sexual orientation or gender identity. The RFRA bar codifies the principle in RGHT-RELS-0006 in the specific discrimination context: one person's religious exercise does not authorize harm to third parties in the marketplace or government programs. Cross-reference: RGHT-STAS-0002 (Bostock codification); RGHT-RELS-0006 (no religious exemption harming third parties); RGHT-EQTS-0001 through 0004.
RGHT-IDNS-0001
Proposed
This position calls for removing sex and gender markers from passports and government IDs unless there is a clearly demonstrated need that protects — rather than harms — the people involved. Eliminating these fields reduces the risk of discrimination and harassment for transgender and nonbinary people.
Sex and gender markers should be removed from passports and government-issued identification documents including state drivers licenses unless a compelling rights-protective need is clearly demonstrated
Addresses the fundamental question of whether government needs to track and display sex/gender markers on identification at all. Shifts the burden to government to prove why such markers are necessary rather than assuming they should exist. Reduces opportunities for discrimination and harassment of transgender, non-binary, and gender-nonconforming people.
RGHT-IDNS-0002
Proposed
This position guarantees everyone the right to update sex and gender markers on their birth records, passports, and other legal documents without facing unreasonable barriers. Bureaucratic obstacles that force people to live with incorrect legal documents are prohibited.
People must have an explicit right to update sex and gender markers on birth records passports identification documents and other legal records without abusive barriers
Where sex/gender markers do exist on documents, ensures people can update them to match their identity without facing abusive requirements (invasive medical procedures, court orders, expensive processes, or other barriers). Protects transgender and non-binary people's right to accurate identification.
RGHT-IDNS-0003
Proposed
This position prohibits any requirement that a person undergo sterilization or other irreversible medical procedures in order to update their gender marker or other legal identity documents. People have the right to accurate legal documents regardless of their medical history.
No one may be required to undergo sterilization surgery or other irreversible medical procedures in order to update legal identity records
Explicitly prohibits sterilization requirements for updating gender markers or legal identity documents, a practice that has been used in various jurisdictions to coerce sterilization as a condition of legal gender recognition. Protects bodily autonomy and identity rights simultaneously.
RGHT-IDNS-0004
Proposal
This position guarantees every person the federal right to update the gender marker on their passport, Social Security records, and all other federal documents by self-attestation alone — no surgery, hormone treatment, or court order required. Federal agencies must process these updates within 30 days.
Federal right to update gender marker on all federal documents by self-attestation; no surgery, hormone treatment, or court order required; 30-day processing standard
Every person has a federal right to update the gender marker on passports, Social Security records, and all other federal documents by self-attestation alone, without requirement of surgery, hormone treatment, physician certification, or court order; states receiving federal funding must process gender marker updates on birth certificates and state identification documents within 30 days of request without imposing surgical or medical requirements; denial, delay beyond 30 days, or imposition of medical requirements constitutes a federal civil rights violation enforceable through a private right of action.
The Biden administration updated State Department and Social Security Administration policies to allow gender marker updates without surgery and introduced an X gender marker option — policies that the Trump administration reversed in 2025. State policies vary dramatically: some allow easy self-attestation while others require surgery or court orders. RGHT-IDNS-0002 establishes the general principle of no abusive barriers; this rule converts that principle into specific, actionable legal standards: the legal standard is self-attestation, the processing timeline is 30 days, and federal preemption ensures consistent protection regardless of state of residence. The combination of federal document rights and federally conditioned state document rights closes the gap between constitutional principle and practical access. Cross-reference: RGHT-IDNS-0001 through 0003 (identity rights); RGHT-BODS-0007 and 0008 (no sterilization requirement); RGHT-EQTS-0005 (Equality Act).
RGHT-DETS-0001
Included
This position prohibits the government from holding anyone in detention indefinitely — without charge, trial, or a clear end date. Every person detained must have access to the courts and a timely legal process for determining whether their detention is lawful.
Ban indefinite detention
Prohibits holding individuals in detention indefinitely without charge, trial, or time limit. Addresses due process violations in contexts including immigration detention, national security detention, and criminal justice. Requires that detention have defined legal limits and judicial review.
RGHT-DETS-0002
Included
This position prohibits the government from imprisoning people in facilities located outside U.S. territory in order to avoid legal oversight or constitutional protections. No person may be held beyond the reach of U.S. law.
Ban offshore incarceration
Prohibits detention or imprisonment on foreign soil or in locations outside normal constitutional protections (e.g., Guantanamo Bay) designed to evade rights. Ensures all persons detained by U.S. government have access to constitutional protections regardless of physical location.
RGHT-PRIV-0001
Included
This position establishes privacy as an explicit, guaranteed right rather than merely an implied one. Government and private actors alike must respect every person's right to control information about themselves and their personal lives.
Explicit right to privacy
Establishes an explicit general constitutional right to privacy, ending reliance on implied rights from penumbras of other amendments. Covers privacy in home and personal life, communications, location data, digital activity, medical and mental health records, family and intimate relationships, and personal associations.
RGHT-PRIV-0002
Included
This position guarantees the privacy of all medical records, health data, and healthcare decisions. No government agency, employer, or private company may access or disclose a person's medical information without their informed consent.
Medical privacy protections
Strong protections for medical and mental health privacy, ensuring that medical records, treatment information, and healthcare decisions are protected from government access without warrants and from disclosure without patient consent. Critical for protecting abortion access, mental health treatment, and sensitive medical care.
RGHT-PRIV-0003
Included
This position guarantees strong privacy rights in the digital realm, including protections for emails, online activity, and data stored with third-party services. Government and corporations must not access or use personal digital data without clear legal authorization.
Digital privacy protections
Protects privacy in digital contexts including communications, location tracking, online activity, and personal data. Requires warrants for government access to digital communications and location history. Bans warrantless bulk data collection and government purchase of personal data from brokers where government could not lawfully compel the same data directly.
RGHT-PRIV-0004
Proposal
This position requires government agencies to obtain a warrant before accessing data from smart home devices — like voice assistants, security cameras, and smart thermostats. It also prohibits device manufacturers from voluntarily sharing user data with the government, and gives people the right to sue if this rule is violated.
Warrant requirement for government access to smart home and IoT device data; prohibition on manufacturer voluntary disclosure; private right of action
Government agencies must obtain a warrant based on probable cause before accessing data generated by smart home devices — including voice assistants, smart thermostats, security cameras, health monitors, and any internet-connected device in or near the home; device manufacturers and service providers must not voluntarily disclose smart home device data to government actors without legal process; upon receiving any government request for smart home data, the manufacturer must notify the device owner within 30 days unless a court orders delayed notification for a stated period of time; a private right of action for unlawful government access or unauthorized manufacturer disclosure applies.
Smart home devices generate an unprecedented record of life inside the home: conversations, movement patterns, health metrics, daily routines, visitor presence, and sleep patterns. Law enforcement has obtained voice assistant recordings through manufacturer subpoenas and voluntary disclosure. The Supreme Court's holding in Kyllo v. United States, 533 U.S. 27 (2001), established that using technology to detect activity inside a home without a warrant violates the Fourth Amendment; smart home device data is far more revealing than thermal imaging and requires no less protection. The third-party doctrine as currently interpreted might allow manufacturer data disclosure without constitutional barrier (see RGHT-TECS-0003); this rule ensures that the home's constitutional privacy floor — the strongest protection in Fourth Amendment doctrine — applies to data generated within the home regardless of the service provider relationship. Cross-reference: RGHT-TECS-0002 (digital warrant requirement); RGHT-TECS-0003 (third-party doctrine reform); RGHT-PRIV-0001 (explicit right to privacy).
RGHT-RELS-0001
Included
This position guarantees every person the right to practice their religion freely, or to practice no religion at all. The government may not favor, penalize, or interfere with a person's religious beliefs or lack thereof.
Freedom of religion
Protects sincerely held religious beliefs, worship, and peaceful religious expression, ensuring individuals can practice their faith without government interference.
RGHT-RELS-0002
Included
This position guarantees that no person may be subjected to religious beliefs, practices, or requirements imposed by the government. The state must remain neutral on matters of faith and may not privilege any religion or require religious observance.
Freedom from religion
Explicitly protects freedom from religion, prohibiting compelled religious observance or participation and prohibiting state preference for religion over non-religion or one religion over another. Strengthens Establishment Clause protections.
RGHT-RELS-0003
Included
This position removes special legal protections that currently shield religious organizations from accountability for abuse, fraud, or other misconduct. Religious institutions are subject to the same laws that apply to all other organizations when they cause harm.
Remove abuse protections for religious orgs
Clarifies that religion is not a valid excuse for abuse, forced labor, fraud, medical neglect, discrimination in protected contexts, deprivation of civil rights, or other rights violations. Makes clear distinctions between volunteers and forced labor. Removes inappropriate legal shields for abuses committed under religious cover while still protecting genuine religious exercise.
RGHT-RELS-0004
Included
This position removes tax-exempt status from religious organizations that engage in abuse, fraud, or other harmful conduct. Tax exemptions are a public benefit, and organizations that cause serious harm to their members or communities should not receive them.
Remove tax exemptions for abusive orgs
Permits revocation or limitation of tax-exempt status for organizations that commit abuse, systematically violate rights, operate coercively, hoard wealth unlawfully, commit fraud, or exploit members. Requires transparency and accountability for tax-advantaged religious and ideological institutions that exercise substantial power.
RGHT-RELS-0005
Proposal
This position requires Congress to pass a federal law making clear that public school employees may not lead, sponsor, or conduct prayer or religious instruction during school activities. Students retain the right to pray privately, but no government employee may pressure or encourage religious activity during the school day — and anyone harmed by violations can sue in federal court.
Statutory codification of Establishment Clause prohibition on school-sponsored prayer and religious instruction; student private religious expression protected; private right of action
Congress must enact a federal statute codifying that public school employees acting in their official capacity may not lead, sponsor, encourage, or conduct prayer, religious devotion, or religious instruction during school activities or school-sponsored events; school districts must not schedule mandatory or de-facto-compulsory religious events; student-initiated, privately organized, genuinely voluntary religious expression during non-instructional time is fully protected; the statute must include a private right of action for students and families affected by violations, with mandatory fee-shifting to prevailing plaintiffs.
The Supreme Court's decisions in Engel v. Vitale (1962) and Abington School District v. Schempp (1963) established constitutional prohibitions on school-sponsored prayer and Bible reading. The Court's decision in Kennedy v. Bremerton School District (2022) — which held that a football coach's post-game prayers on the field were protected private expression — has created doctrinal uncertainty enabling school officials to blur the line between government-sponsored and private religious exercise. Statutory codification with a private right of action closes the enforcement gap: students and families must have a federal remedy when school officials violate Establishment Clause principles without relying solely on constitutional litigation costing hundreds of thousands of dollars and years to resolve. The protection of student-initiated voluntary prayer is explicit: the platform's position is freedom of religion and freedom from religion, not hostility to religious practice. Cross-reference: RGHT-RELS-0001 (freedom of religion); RGHT-RELS-0002 (freedom from religion); RGHT-RELS-0006 (religious exemptions and third-party harm).
RGHT-RELS-0006
Proposal
This position prohibits granting religious exemptions from laws — including anti-discrimination laws and healthcare mandates — when those exemptions would shift a burden or harm onto someone else. The right to religious freedom ends where it forces other people to pay the price for your beliefs.
No religious exemption may impose costs on a third party: exemptions from anti-discrimination law, healthcare mandates, or public accommodations obligations prohibited when a third party bears the burden
Religious exemptions from generally applicable federal laws — including anti-discrimination laws, healthcare coverage mandates, and public accommodations obligations — must not be granted when the exemption imposes a material cost, burden, or harm on an identifiable third party; the government's compelling interest in protecting third parties from discrimination, denial of healthcare, or unequal treatment in the public marketplace outweighs any claimed burden on the exemption-seeker's religious exercise when the cost of that exercise falls on someone else; RFRA may not be invoked as a defense against claims brought by or on behalf of a harmed third party.
The Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA), 42 U.S.C. § 2000bb, requires that government actions substantially burdening religious exercise must satisfy strict scrutiny. In Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores (2014), the Supreme Court held that RFRA permitted for-profit employers to claim a religious exemption from the ACA contraception coverage mandate, effectively requiring employees to bear the cost of their employer's religious beliefs. In 303 Creative v. Elenis (2023), the Court held that a web designer's First Amendment rights permitted refusal to serve same-sex couples. These decisions opened a path by which religious exercise claims systematically eliminate the civil rights of third parties. The principle that RFRA was not intended to be used as a sword against third parties is well-established in the legislative history; this rule codifies that principle into statute. Cross-reference: RGHT-RELS-0003 (religion not an excuse for abuse); RGHT-SPHS-0003 (religious freedom not a license to discriminate); RGHT-EQTS-0005 (Equality Act RFRA bar).
RGHT-RELS-0007
Proposal
This position prohibits federal money from being used for religious education, worship, or proselytizing at faith-based organizations. Any religious group receiving federal funds for social services must offer a secular (non-religious) alternative to anyone who requests one, without penalty or delay.
Strict scrutiny for government funding of religious institutions; prohibition on direct funding of religious education and worship; secular alternative requirement for social services
Federal funding to religious institutions must not be used for religious education, proselytization, or worship activities; religious organizations receiving federal social services funding must offer a meaningful secular alternative to any beneficiary who requests one, provided without delay, penalty, or stigma; religious schools receiving federal funds through voucher or school choice programs must comply with all federal non-discrimination requirements applicable to public schools as a condition of receiving those funds; a private right of action is available to beneficiaries denied secular alternatives or subjected to proselytization in federally funded programs.
The Supreme Court's decisions in Espinoza v. Montana Department of Revenue (2020) and Carson v. Makin (2022) have progressively required that states funding private secular schools also fund private religious schools, substantially narrowing Establishment Clause limitations on government funding of religion. Federal Charitable Choice provisions enacted since 1996 nominally require secular alternatives for social services recipients; in practice, secular alternatives are often unavailable, underfunded, or geographically inaccessible. This rule addresses the gap between nominal compliance and genuine alternatives, and ensures federal money does not pay for religious instruction or condition the receipt of social services on exposure to religious activity. Non-discrimination conditions on voucher-funded religious schools ensure that federal education funding does not subsidize discrimination against LGBTQ+ students, students with disabilities, or students of other faiths. Cross-reference: RGHT-RELS-0001 (freedom of religion); RGHT-RELS-0002 (freedom from religion); RGHT-RELS-0006 (third-party harm from religious exemptions).
RGHT-TECS-0001
Included
This position prohibits government agencies from buying personal data about people from commercial data brokers as a way to get around the legal requirement to obtain a warrant. Law enforcement and intelligence agencies may not purchase what they could not otherwise legally collect.
Ban government purchase of personal data
Prohibits government agencies from purchasing personal data from data brokers or other commercial sources where the government could not lawfully compel the same data directly through legal process. Closes massive loophole where agencies bypass Fourth Amendment protections by buying data on the open market instead of obtaining warrants. Essential for protecting privacy in the age of commercial surveillance.
RGHT-TECS-0002
Proposed
This position requires government agencies to obtain a warrant based on probable cause before accessing the content of emails, text messages, cloud files, or other digital communications. The legal principle that sharing data with a company eliminates privacy protection may not be used to allow warrantless access to digital records.
Fourth Amendment warrant requirement extended to all digital communications and records
Government access to the content of digital communications, email, cloud storage, text messages, and all digital records must require a warrant based on probable cause; the third-party doctrine may not be applied to digital data stored with service providers to permit warrantless government access to content.
The Electronic Communications Privacy Act (ECPA), enacted in 1986, permits government access to stored email more than 180 days old without a warrant — a relic of a time when cloud storage did not exist and email was a novelty. The Supreme Court's decision in Carpenter v. United States (2018) recognized that cell-site location information deserves Fourth Amendment protection despite being held by a third party, carving a limited exception to the third-party doctrine while declining to overrule it.[14] A comprehensive warrant requirement for all digital communications content closes this gap: it modernizes Fourth Amendment protection for the digital environment, eliminates the 180-day ECPA loophole, and establishes that the fact data is stored on a server rather than in a filing cabinet does not determine its constitutional protection. Cross-reference: RGT-TEC-001 (government data broker purchases), RGT-TEC-003 (third-party doctrine reform).
RGHT-TECS-0003
Proposed
This position reforms the legal rule that currently strips people of constitutional privacy protection when their data is held by a third party like an internet provider or bank. Under this position, the government must obtain a warrant or court order to access personal data held by any third party — the same standard required to search a home.
Reform the third-party doctrine — sharing data with a service provider does not eliminate Fourth Amendment protection
The fact that an individual's data is held by a third-party service provider, financial institution, internet provider, or technology platform does not eliminate Fourth Amendment protection for that data; government access to third-party-held personal data requires the same warrant or court-order standards applicable to direct access.
The third-party doctrine originated in United States v. Miller (1976) (bank records) and Smith v. Maryland (1979) (pen registers), holding that information voluntarily disclosed to third parties carries no reasonable expectation of privacy. Applied to digital life, this doctrine would make virtually all personal information — search history, location records, purchase history, communications metadata, social network data — available to government without a warrant, because modern life requires sharing data with service providers. Carpenter (2018) limited the doctrine for cell-site location information but did not overturn it. This rule modernizes the doctrine: the unavoidable necessity of sharing data with service providers to participate in modern digital life cannot eliminate the constitutional protection that would apply if the same data were stored at home. Congress may enact this reform through statute updating ECPA; it does not require constitutional amendment. Cross-reference: RGT-TEC-001 (government data broker purchases), RGT-TEC-002 (digital warrant requirement).
RGHT-TECS-0004
Proposed
This position reforms the secretive court that approves foreign intelligence surveillance, requiring a permanent civil liberties advocate in all proceedings and regular public disclosure of its rulings. It also tightens protections for American citizens, requiring individualized probable cause and prohibiting bulk collection of data on people in the United States.
FISA court reform — mandatory adversarial advocate, transparency, and limitations on U.S. person surveillance
The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court must include a permanent adversarial advocate for civil liberties in all proceedings; FISA opinions must be published in redacted form on an annual basis; surveillance of U.S. persons must require individualized probable cause and judicial approval; bulk collection programs must terminate.
The FISA court is a structurally one-sided institution: it hears only government applications, approves the vast majority of surveillance requests, operates in secrecy, and produces binding legal interpretations of constitutional surveillance law without adversarial challenge. The Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board's 2014 report concluded that the Section 702 program raised serious constitutional concerns and lacked adequate safeguards for U.S. persons.[15] The Section 215 bulk telephone metadata collection program — exposed in 2013 and later found by a federal court of appeals to have been unlawful — demonstrates the surveillance overreach enabled by secret, non-adversarial proceedings. A permanent adversarial advocate cleared for classified materials ensures genuine legal opposition to government surveillance requests, improving constitutional compliance and legal quality of FISA opinions. Annual publication of redacted opinions allows public legal scholarship and accountability without compromising specific intelligence sources and methods.
RGHT-TECS-0005
Proposed
This position requires that National Security Letters — a tool federal agencies use to demand records without a court order — be subject to judicial review within 30 days if the recipient challenges them. Gag orders attached to these letters automatically expire after three years and can be renewed only once, with a court finding that continued secrecy is still necessary.
National Security Letter gag orders must be subject to judicial review and time limits
National Security Letters must be subject to judicial review on recipient request within 30 days of issuance; NSL gag orders must expire automatically after three years and may be renewed only once upon individualized judicial finding of continued necessity; a rebuttable presumption of disclosure applies after five years.
National Security Letters are administrative subpoenas — issued by the FBI without any judicial involvement — that compel disclosure of specified records and prohibit recipients from disclosing that they received the letter. The gag order is indefinite by default and historically difficult to challenge. NSLs have been issued hundreds of thousands of times; the Department of Justice Inspector General documented systematic FBI abuse including NSLs issued without proper authorization and used beyond their stated national security purpose.[16] The indefinite gag order and absence of judicial pre-approval create a surveillance tool that operates entirely outside judicial review unless the recipient affirmatively challenges — an option most recipients are unaware of or unable to afford. Judicial review and automatic sunset provisions restore constitutional balance: genuine national security purposes can withstand three-year review with individualized renewal findings; purposes that cannot withstand that review do not warrant indefinite gag orders. Cross-reference: RGT-TEC-004 (FISA reform), RGT-PRV-001 (right to privacy).
RGHT-TECS-0006
Proposed
This position requires commercial data brokers — companies that buy and sell personal information — to register with a federal agency and give every person the right to see, correct, delete, and opt out of the sale of their data. Data brokers are prohibited from selling personal information to government agencies or law enforcement without a court order.
Regulate data brokers — individuals have rights of access, correction, deletion, and opt-out; sale to government requires court order
Commercial data brokers must register with a designated federal agency; individuals have the right to access all data held about them, correct inaccuracies, delete data not affirmatively consented to, and opt out of further sale; data brokers may not sell personal data to government agencies, law enforcement, or immigration authorities without a court order.
Data brokers operate as unregulated surveillance infrastructure: aggregating personal information from public records, loyalty programs, social media, and commercial transactions into detailed profiles on hundreds of millions of Americans, which they sell to anyone willing to pay. There is no federal law specifically governing data brokers, no right to access your data broker file, and no prohibition on selling data to government agencies that could not lawfully collect it directly. The Federal Trade Commission's 2014 report documented the data broker industry's scope and the absence of any consumer rights framework governing it.[17] The result is a commercial surveillance economy that functions as a Fourth Amendment workaround: law enforcement agencies purchase location data, association data, and communication metadata from brokers without a warrant. Registration, access rights, correction and deletion rights, and an explicit ban on selling to government agencies absent a court order are the minimum necessary to regulate data brokers as the civil liberties threat they represent. Cross-reference: RGT-TEC-001 (government purchase prohibition), RGT-TEC-002 (digital warrant requirement).
RGHT-TECS-0007
Proposed
This position prohibits the government from using facial recognition, gait analysis, voiceprint, or other biometric technology to identify individuals without an individualized court order based on probable cause. It bans real-time mass biometric scanning of public spaces entirely — no one should lose their anonymity just by walking down the street.
Prohibit mass biometric surveillance; biometric data requires affirmative informed consent
Government use of facial recognition, gait analysis, voiceprint identification, iris scanning, or any biometric identification technology against individuals requires an individualized court order based on probable cause; real-time mass biometric scanning of public spaces without individualized suspicion is prohibited; private collection of biometric data requires affirmative informed consent and may not be sold or shared without separate consent.
Biometric data is uniquely sensitive: it is immutable, tied permanently to the individual's body, and once compromised cannot be changed. Illinois' Biometric Information Privacy Act (BIPA), enacted 2008, is the most established state framework: requiring notice, written consent, data security requirements, and a private right of action. Multiple cities have banned government facial recognition entirely. The ACLU's 2018 evaluation of Amazon's Rekognition facial recognition system found that it incorrectly matched 28 members of Congress with criminal mugshots — with error rates disproportionately affecting people of color.[18] Real-time facial recognition in public spaces enables mass surveillance at scales that require no individualized human judgment and are incompatible with the Fourth Amendment's protection against general warrants. Government biometric surveillance without individualized judicial authorization is the functional equivalent of a general warrant — the precise form of unreasonable government power the Fourth Amendment was enacted to prohibit. Cross-reference: RGT-TEC-001 (government data broker purchases), RGT-TEC-002 (digital warrant requirement), RGT-TEC-006 (data broker regulation).
RGHT-TECS-0008
Proposal
This position bans federal law enforcement from using facial recognition to identify people in public spaces without a specific warrant naming the person being sought. It also places a moratorium on all state and local law enforcement use of facial recognition for identification until federal standards are established, and gives people the right to sue if they are wrongfully identified.
Federal law enforcement ban on facial recognition for identification in public spaces; moratorium on state and local use pending federal standards; private right of action
Federal law enforcement agencies must not use facial recognition technology to identify individuals in public spaces absent an individualized warrant based on probable cause specifying the person sought; a moratorium on all state and local law enforcement use of facial recognition for identification is imposed until Congress enacts minimum accuracy, bias auditing, due process, and transparency standards; any government entity using facial recognition for identification must publish annual accuracy and demographic-disparity audits; individuals identified through unlawful use of facial recognition have a private right of action for damages and injunctive relief.
NIST's Face Recognition Vendor Testing program has documented that facial recognition systems produce error rates disproportionately high for Black individuals, women, and dark-skinned people. Multiple wrongful arrests attributable to facial recognition misidentification have been documented, including Robert Williams (Detroit, 2020), Michael Oliver (Detroit, 2019), and Nijeer Parks (New Jersey, 2019). At least 24 cities and several states have enacted local bans on government facial recognition use. While RGHT-TECS-0007 prohibits mass real-time biometric scanning of public spaces and requires an individualized court order for biometric identification generally, this rule adds specificity for facial recognition: a categorical law enforcement ban without warrant, an affirmative moratorium on state and local use pending federal minimum standards, and mandatory public accuracy audits as a condition of any permitted use. Federal standards prevent a patchwork in which residents of states without bans remain exposed. Cross-reference: RGHT-TECS-0007 (mass biometric surveillance prohibition); RGHT-TECS-0002 (digital warrant requirement); RGHT-TECS-0009 (compelled biometric unlock).
RGHT-TECS-0009
Proposal
This position prohibits the government from forcing anyone to unlock their phone or device using a fingerprint, face scan, or other biometric identifier without a warrant. The Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination — which protects people from being forced to give up passwords — applies equally to biometric unlocking.
Fifth Amendment protection against compelled biometric device unlock codified; statutory right to deletion of biometric data; private right of action
No government actor may compel an individual to unlock a device using a biometric identifier — fingerprint, face scan, iris scan, voice print, or any other biometric authenticator — without a warrant supported by probable cause; the Fifth Amendment privilege against self-incrimination applies to compelled biometric authentication equivalently to compelled passcode disclosure; individuals have a statutory right to demand deletion of biometric data held by any commercial entity that collected it, exercisable at any time; requests for deletion must be honored within 30 days; private right of action for compelled biometric unlock without warrant and for failure to delete on request.
Federal courts are split on whether the Fifth Amendment protects against compelled biometric device unlock. Some courts have held that compelling a fingerprint unlock is a non-testimonial physical act; others have held that compelling a face scan is testimonial because it asserts that the depicted face belongs to the defendant. This split requires legislative resolution — the constitutional protection must apply identically regardless of whether the authenticator is a numeric passcode, fingerprint, face, iris, or voice. Compelled biometric authentication is more intrusive than compelled passcode disclosure because the biometric credential is tied permanently to the body and cannot be changed if compromised. The right-to-deletion provision complements RGHT-TECS-0007 (biometric consent) by ensuring collected biometric data cannot be retained indefinitely after its stated collection purpose expires. Cross-reference: RGHT-TECS-0007 (mass biometric surveillance and consent); RGHT-TECS-0008 (facial recognition ban); RGHT-PRIV-0001 (right to privacy).
RGHT-TECS-0010
Proposal
This position prohibits federal law enforcement and intelligence agencies from conducting ongoing or bulk surveillance of domestic political organizations, advocacy groups, religious institutions, unions, or civil society groups based on their political or religious viewpoints. This kind of surveillance — used historically against civil rights organizations — is banned.
Prohibition on programmatic surveillance of domestic political, advocacy, religious, and civil society organizations without individualized warrants
No federal law enforcement or intelligence agency may conduct programmatic, ongoing, or bulk surveillance of domestic political organizations, advocacy groups, religious institutions, labor unions, or civil society organizations on the basis of their political viewpoint, religious beliefs, or advocacy activities; any surveillance of such an organization must be authorized by an individualized warrant based on probable cause of specific criminal activity, not association with a disfavored viewpoint; infiltration or informant placement into domestic organizations on a viewpoint basis is prohibited; confirmed violations trigger a private right of action and mandatory congressional notification within 30 days.
The FBI's COINTELPRO program (1956–1971) systematically surveilled, infiltrated, and disrupted domestic civil rights, socialist, and anti-war organizations through techniques that would have been clearly unconstitutional if applied to individuals. Since 2001, documented surveillance programs have targeted Muslim mosques and organizations, Black Lives Matter, environmental advocacy groups, and anti-war activists without individualized criminal predicate. The First Amendment protects the right to hold political and religious beliefs and to organize collectively; programmatic surveillance of organizations on the basis of their viewpoint is incompatible with those protections and chills political participation. RGHT-TECS-0004 reforms FISA and Section 702 for foreign intelligence collection; this rule applies the same individualized-warrant requirement to domestic law enforcement and makes explicit that organizations — not only individuals — are entitled to Fourth and First Amendment protection from surveillance. Cross-reference: RGHT-TECS-0004 (FISA reform); RGHT-SPHS-0002 (protest rights); RGHT-PRIV-0001 (right to privacy).
RGHT-POVS-0001
Proposed
This position establishes eliminating extreme poverty as an explicit national policy goal — not just an aspiration. Federal policy must be evaluated against this goal, and choosing not to act on poverty is not a neutral or acceptable default.
Elimination of Poverty as Explicit National Policy Goal
The elimination of extreme poverty and the material reduction of overall poverty rates is an explicit national policy goal; federal policy must be evaluated against this goal, and inaction on poverty is not a neutral default.
The United States has never established the elimination of poverty as an affirmative legal obligation. The War on Poverty (1964–) created programs but did not establish poverty elimination as a binding policy commitment. The result is a patchwork safety net that can be starved, restructured, or dismantled without any formal reckoning against poverty outcomes. This rule changes that: poverty reduction is not a side effect of good policy but an explicit goal against which all federal policy is evaluated. "Extreme poverty" here means income below 50% of the applicable poverty line — consistent with international measurement conventions. The broader goal of "materially reducing overall poverty rates" does not set a specific numerical target but commits to measurable, publicly accountable progress. Cross-reference: RGT-POV-002 (measurement), RGT-POV-003 (poverty impact assessments), RGT-POV-004 (reporting), RGT-POV-005 (cross-pillar); ECO-GBI-001 (income floor); ECO-CTC (child allowance as primary mechanism).
RGHT-POVS-0002
Proposed
This position requires the federal government to use both official and supplemental poverty measures when analyzing poverty and designing policy. The supplemental measure accounts for things the official measure misses — like government benefits, medical costs, and regional cost-of-living differences — giving a more accurate picture of who is actually struggling.
Comprehensive Poverty Measurement Using Both OPM and SPM
Federal poverty analysis and policy evaluation must use both the Official Poverty Measure and the Supplemental Poverty Measure; the SPM, which accounts for government transfers, tax credits, out-of-pocket medical costs, and regional cost-of-living variation, must be used for all federal poverty analysis.
The Official Poverty Measure (OPM), established in the 1960s, is based on food costs and does not account for non-cash government benefits (SNAP, housing assistance), tax credits (EITC, CTC), out-of-pocket medical expenses, or cost-of-living differences across regions. It systematically understates how government programs reduce poverty and fails to capture regional economic realities. The Supplemental Poverty Measure, developed by the Census Bureau and published since 2011, addresses these limitations. Under the SPM, the 2021 ARPA expansions produced a historically low SPM poverty rate of approximately 7.8% in 2021, rising back to 12.4% in 2022 after expiration — a variation the OPM largely missed.[13] Using both measures ensures policy is evaluated for actual impact on material well-being, not only nominal income. Cross-reference: RGT-POV-001 (poverty elimination goal); RGT-POV-004 (reporting requirements).
RGHT-POVS-0003
Proposed
This position requires Congress and federal agencies to produce a formal analysis of how major new legislation will affect poverty rates before it passes. These poverty impact assessments must break down the projected effects by race, disability status, age, and geography.
Poverty Impact Assessment Required for Major Federal Legislation
Major federal legislation must include a formal poverty impact assessment — a CBO or equivalent analysis projecting effects on poverty rates disaggregated by race, disability status, age, geography, and family structure — conducted before passage and made publicly available.
Congress routinely receives CBO cost estimates before votes but no formal poverty impact analysis. Legislation that substantially changes poverty rates — either reducing or increasing them — can be enacted without any formal reckoning with that impact. A poverty impact assessment, modeled on the fiscal impact assessment requirement, would require that the poverty effects of major legislation be made explicit and public before enactment. This does not constrain what Congress may enact; it requires transparency and accountability. Disaggregation by race, disability, age, and geography is essential: a policy that slightly reduces average poverty while concentrating increased poverty among Black communities, disabled people, or children is a different policy than aggregate statistics reveal. Implementation: CBO or a designated Census Bureau partnership would produce assessments. "Major legislation" threshold requires definition (e.g., projected fiscal impact exceeding $1 billion). Cross-reference: RGT-POV-001 (poverty elimination goal); RGT-POV-004 (reporting); RGT-DIS-007 (disability disaggregation requirement).
RGHT-POVS-0004
Proposed
This position requires the federal government to publish detailed poverty data every year, broken down by race, gender, disability, age, location, immigration status, and family type. Progress toward reducing poverty must be publicly transparent and subject to independent review.
Annual Disaggregated Poverty Reporting
Federal agencies must publicly report annual poverty statistics disaggregated by race, gender, disability, age, geography, immigration status, and family structure; progress toward poverty reduction goals must be publicly transparent and subject to independent review.
The Census Bureau publishes annual poverty data, but disaggregated analysis is often buried in supplemental tables, inconsistently formatted, and not tied to any policy accountability mechanism. This rule requires disaggregated poverty data to be: published annually in accessible format; explicitly tied to stated national poverty reduction goals (RGT-POV-001); subject to independent review to assess whether reported progress is genuine; and used as input to poverty impact assessments (RGT-POV-003). Required disaggregations: race and ethnicity; sex and gender; disability status; age cohort (children, working-age adults, elderly); geographic area (state, metro vs. rural); immigration status; and family structure. Disability disaggregation is particularly important and currently inadequate in standard poverty reporting. Cross-reference: RGT-POV-001 through RGT-POV-003; RGT-DIS-007 (disability-inclusive poverty metrics).
RGHT-POVS-0005
Proposed
This position establishes that reducing poverty is a shared obligation across all areas of federal policy — not the job of just one program or agency. Healthcare, housing, education, wages, food security, and income support all affect poverty outcomes, and every policy in those areas must be evaluated for its impact on people living in poverty.
Poverty Reduction Is Cross-Pillar; All Relevant Policy Must Be Evaluated for Poverty Impact
Poverty reduction is a cross-pillar obligation; healthcare access, housing stability, educational attainment, adequate wages, food security, and income support all affect poverty outcomes; policy in each of these domains must be evaluated for its poverty reduction impact.
Poverty is not solely caused by insufficient cash income; it is the intersection of inadequate income, insufficient healthcare, lack of stable housing, food insecurity, limited education, and structural barriers including discrimination, lack of transportation, and geographic isolation. Policies that address only one dimension while allowing others to worsen will fail to eliminate poverty even if technically successful on their own terms. This rule makes poverty reduction a cross-cutting evaluation requirement: housing policy must be assessed for poverty impact; healthcare policy must be assessed for poverty impact; education and wage policy must be assessed for poverty impact. This prevents any single pillar from claiming poverty reduction credit while shifting poverty burdens elsewhere. Cross-reference: RGT-FOO (food security as poverty driver); RGT-DIS-007 (disability-inclusive poverty); ECO-GBI (income floor); ECO-CTC (child allowance); and the healthcare, housing, education, and labor rights pillars.
RGHT-DISS-0001
Proposal
This position requires Congress to repeal the law that allows employers to pay workers with disabilities below the federal minimum wage — in some cases just pennies per hour. This subminimum wage, which dates to 1938, must be phased out over three years, with support to help affected workers and employers transition to full-wage employment.
Abolish Subminimum Wage: Repeal Section 14(c) of the Fair Labor Standards Act
Congress must repeal Section 14(c) of the Fair Labor Standards Act — which since 1938 has permitted employers holding "special wage certificates" to pay workers with disabilities below the federal minimum wage, in some cases as little as pennies per hour — and must: (1) establish a 3-year phase-out period during which: (a) no new Section 14(c) certificates may be issued; (b) all existing certificates must be reduced to no less than 50% of the applicable minimum wage in year 1, 75% in year 2, and 100% in year 3; (2) appropriate $2 billion over 5 years for transition support, including: supported employment conversions, job coaching, individualized placement services, and capacity grants to states to expand competitive integrated employment infrastructure; (3) require all states receiving Section 14(c) transition funds to demonstrate annual progress toward competitive integrated employment for workers previously in subminimum wage settings; (4) establish a private right of action for any worker paid below minimum wage under a Section 14(c) certificate, with back pay, treble damages, and attorney's fees; and (5) direct the DOL to audit and prosecute any employer that continues to use subminimum wage structures through misclassification or informal arrangements after the phase-out period.
Approximately 120,000 workers with disabilities are employed at subminimum wages under Section 14(c) certificates, with some earning as little as $0.25 per hour.[10] Studies consistently show that workers with disabilities in competitive integrated employment earn more, report higher job satisfaction, and achieve greater community integration than those in sheltered workshop settings.
RGHT-DISS-0002
Proposal
This position requires the Social Security Administration to process all new disability benefit claims within 90 days. People waiting for disability benefits often wait years while facing financial ruin; this position mandates adequate funding to clear that backlog and sets monthly accountability deadlines to keep it cleared.
Eliminate SSDI Processing Backlogs
Congress must appropriate sufficient funding to the Social Security Administration to: (1) resolve all initial SSDI and SSI disability claims within 90 days of application — the SSA must publish monthly data on average processing times by state and adjudicator and must cure any office exceeding 90 days within one year; (2) resolve all appeals at the hearing level within 180 days — eliminating the multi-year backlogs that currently leave hundreds of thousands of applicants waiting years for a hearing before an Administrative Law Judge; (3) hire and train sufficient ALJs and staff to maintain these timelines on an ongoing basis; (4) require that no AI system, automated scoring tool, or algorithmic model may deny a disability claim or override medical evidence without human review by a qualified disability adjudicator — AI tools may be used to assist but not to make final determinations; (5) require SSA to provide applicants with a written explanation of any denial, including the specific medical evidence considered and the specific findings made, sufficient for the applicant to meaningfully appeal; and (6) establish a private right of action for any applicant whose claim is not adjudicated within the required timeline, with a right to mandamus relief in federal district court to compel timely action.
As of recent years, the SSDI appeals backlog has exceeded 1 million pending cases, with average wait times of 18 months or more for a hearing.[11] Disability determinations are often made by state Disability Determination Services agencies without the applicant's treating physician being consulted.
RGHT-DISS-0003
Proposal
This position eliminates the abrupt cutoff in Social Security disability benefits that punishes disabled workers for earning above a set monthly threshold. Instead of losing all benefits at once for earning a modest amount, benefits would phase out gradually — encouraging work without putting people at financial risk.
Eliminate the SSDI Earnings Cliff
Congress must reform the Social Security Disability Insurance earnings rules to eliminate the "earnings cliff" that punishes disabled workers for earning above the Substantial Gainful Activity (SGA) threshold: (1) replace the current SGA cutoff — which abruptly terminates benefits when a disabled worker earns above approximately $1,550/month — with a gradual benefit phase-out under which SSDI benefits are reduced by $1 for every $2 earned above SGA, similar to the Social Security retirement benefit structure; (2) extend the Trial Work Period from 9 months to 24 months, during which a disabled worker may test their ability to work without any reduction in SSDI benefits; (3) permanently extend Medicare continuation coverage for SSDI recipients who return to work for up to 5 years — eliminating the fear of healthcare loss as a barrier to employment; (4) establish automatic benefit reinstatement — without a new application — for any former SSDI recipient whose disabling condition recurs within 5 years of returning to work, effective within 30 days of the recurrence; and (5) require SSA to provide every SSDI recipient who expresses interest in work with a written, individualized "work incentive counseling" plan from a Benefits Counselor, at no cost, detailing exactly how earnings would affect their specific benefits.
The SSDI earnings cliff creates a strong disincentive to work: a disabled person who earns $1 above the SGA threshold risks losing hundreds to thousands of dollars in monthly benefits and Medicare coverage. Surveys of SSDI recipients consistently identify fear of losing healthcare coverage as the single largest barrier to returning to work.
RGHT-DISS-0004
Proposal
This position converts the federal vocational rehabilitation program — which helps disabled people find and keep jobs — into a guaranteed entitlement. Currently the program can close to new applicants when it runs out of money; under this position, every eligible disabled person who applies must be served.
Vocational Rehabilitation as an Entitlement
Congress must convert the federal-state Vocational Rehabilitation (VR) program from a capped grant program that can close to new applicants when funding is exhausted — known as "order of selection" — into a full federal entitlement, ensuring that: (1) every disabled person who applies for VR services and is determined eligible receives an Individualized Plan for Employment within 90 days, with no waitlist or order of selection permitted; (2) VR services must include: vocational counseling, job skills training, assistive technology, supported employment services, post-secondary education support, and on-the-job training; (3) the individualized plan must be developed jointly with the applicant and must reflect the applicant's own employment goals — VR counselors may not steer applicants toward lower-wage or less-skilled employment based on assumptions about disability; (4) VR must coordinate with SSDI work incentives, Medicaid, housing, and transportation services so that entering employment does not cause the loss of other essential supports; and (5) Congress must appropriate sufficient funds to serve all eligible applicants, with automatic baseline funding increases tied to the number of working-age people with disabilities in each state.
Every year, state VR programs close to new applicants because they exhaust their federal allotment, leaving eligible disabled workers on waitlists for months or years. VR programs that successfully place workers in competitive integrated employment generate a return to the federal government that far exceeds the cost of services through increased tax revenues and reduced benefit payments.
RGHT-DISS-0005
Proposal
This position requires Congress to fund supported employment programs — which provide ongoing job coaching and workplace support for people with the most significant disabilities — at a minimum of $1 billion per year, adjusted for inflation. These programs help disabled people maintain meaningful employment in their communities rather than in segregated settings.
Full Funding for Supported Employment Programs
Congress must: (1) appropriate a minimum of $1 billion annually — indexed to inflation — for the Supported Employment Services program under the Rehabilitation Act, providing ongoing job coaching, natural supports, and workplace accommodations for people with the most significant disabilities; (2) require all state VR agencies to offer supported employment as a service option to every eligible individual for whom competitive integrated employment is a goal — supported employment may not be available only as a last resort; (3) define supported employment services to include: job development, job placement, initial skills training, on-site job coaching, benefits counseling, transportation coordination, and long-term support for the duration of employment — with no arbitrary time limit on support services; (4) require supported employment providers to track and publicly report placement rates, employment retention at 6 and 12 months, wages, and community integration outcomes — broken down by disability type and demographics; (5) prohibit VR agencies from counting placements in sheltered workshops or enclaves — segregated settings — as supported employment outcomes; and (6) fund a National Center for Supported Employment Best Practices to disseminate evidence-based models, train providers, and evaluate program quality.
Supported employment consistently produces better outcomes for workers with significant disabilities — including those with intellectual disabilities, psychiatric disabilities, and traumatic brain injuries — than traditional pre-employment training or sheltered workshops.
RGHT-DISS-0006
Proposal
This position requires Congress to fund enforcement of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) at a minimum of $250 million per year, enabling the Justice Department to investigate discrimination against disabled people and take legal action against violators. Stronger enforcement means the law's promise of equal access is actually kept.
Strengthen ADA Enforcement
Congress must strengthen enforcement of the Americans with Disabilities Act by: (1) appropriating a minimum of $250 million annually to the DOJ Civil Rights Division for ADA enforcement, including: pattern-or-practice investigations of state and local governments, public accommodations, and employers; proactive compliance monitoring; and a national ADA complaint intake and resolution system with 180-day resolution targets; (2) establishing statutory damages of $50,000 per violation — plus attorney's fees and costs — in private ADA Title III (public accommodations) lawsuits, replacing the current regime of injunctive relief only that makes individual enforcement economically nonviable; (3) prohibiting "drive-by" demand letter abuse by requiring all pre-litigation ADA demand letters to include a 90-day cure period and prohibiting any demand for monetary payment before a court has found a violation; (4) requiring all public entities with budgets exceeding $5 million to publish an annual ADA Transition Plan — documenting accessibility barriers, timelines for removal, and progress — and conditioning federal grants on Transition Plan compliance; (5) extending the ADA statute of limitations to 4 years for structural and systemic violations; and (6) establishing criminal penalties for willful, repeated violations of ADA accessibility requirements by public entities.
The ADA was enacted in 1990, yet structural inaccessibility remains pervasive — including in federal, state, and local government facilities, public transit, and digital infrastructure. The absence of statutory damages in ADA Title III cases means that most accessibility violations are not worth litigating unless an advocacy organization brings the case, leaving the vast majority of violations unremedied.
RGHT-DISS-0007
Proposal
This position requires all federal poverty reduction programs to explicitly include disabled people, who face poverty rates roughly twice the national average. Every poverty-related bill must include a disability impact assessment, and programs must be designed to serve people with disabilities effectively.
Disability-Inclusive Poverty Reduction Goals
Congress must establish that all federal poverty reduction goals, programs, and metrics must explicitly include disabled people — who face poverty rates approximately twice the national average — by: (1) requiring all poverty reduction legislation to include a disability impact assessment — produced by CBO or a designated Census Bureau partnership — that projects effects on poverty rates for working-age adults with disabilities, disaggregated by disability type, race, gender, and geography; (2) directing all federal agencies administering poverty-related programs — including HHS, SSA, HUD, USDA, and DOL — to collect and publish annual data on program participation and outcomes disaggregated by disability status, using consistent definitions; (3) requiring that any federal anti-poverty goal — whether in legislation, executive order, or agency strategic plan — be expressed as a specific target for disability-inclusive poverty reduction, not just aggregate poverty reduction; (4) prohibiting the design of any new means-tested federal benefit program that creates an earnings cliff, asset test, or other provision that operates as a disproportionate barrier to people with disabilities — all new programs must include a disability impact analysis before enactment; and (5) directing the Census Bureau to include disability status as a required disaggregation in all official poverty reporting, including the Supplemental Poverty Measure.
People with disabilities face poverty rates approximately double the national average — consistently 25–27% for working-age adults with disabilities compared to 12–13% for non-disabled adults.[12] Mainstream poverty policy and programs often exclude or undercount disabled people, both in design and in outcome measurement.
RGHT-DISS-0008
Proposal
This position converts Medicaid home and community-based services — like personal care, home health aides, and supported employment — from a limited waiver program with long waitlists into a guaranteed right for every eligible disabled person. No one should wait years on a list for the support they need to live in their own home.
Home and Community-Based Services as a Medicaid Entitlement
Congress must convert Medicaid Home and Community-Based Services (HCBS) from a waiver program with enrollment caps and waitlists into a mandatory Medicaid entitlement by: (1) establishing HCBS — including personal care, home health aide, supported employment, adult day services, respite care, and assistive technology — as a mandatory benefit available to all Medicaid-eligible individuals who meet the institutional level-of-care standard, with no waiting lists, enrollment caps, or waiver slot limitations; (2) appropriating $150 billion over 10 years to states to expand HCBS capacity and workforce — conditioned on states demonstrating annual reductions in institutional placements and waiting list elimination; (3) implementing the Olmstead decision (Olmstead v. L.C., 527 U.S. 581, 1999) in full — requiring all states to maintain and implement comprehensive, effectively working plans for placing qualified individuals with disabilities in the most integrated setting appropriate; (4) guaranteeing every Medicaid LTSS beneficiary the right to receive services in the setting of their choice, with a legal presumption in favor of community-based over institutional settings; (5) requiring all states to achieve a minimum 60% HCBS share of total Medicaid LTSS spending within 5 years as a condition of federal matching funds; and (6) establishing a private right of action for any Medicaid-eligible person denied HCBS due to a waitlist or enrollment cap, with a right to mandamus relief compelling timely service provision.
An estimated 700,000+ people with disabilities are on Medicaid HCBS waiver waitlists nationwide, some waiting over a decade for services that would allow them to live in the community.[19] The Olmstead decision was issued in 1999; more than 25 years later, states continue to institutionalize people with disabilities through resource starvation of community services.
RGHT-DISS-0009
Proposal
This position reforms guardianship law — the legal process that removes a person's right to make their own decisions — by requiring courts to try all less restrictive alternatives first and to review every guardianship at least once a year. Full guardianship must be a last resort, and people subject to it retain the right to vote and the right to legal counsel.
Guardianship reform: supported decision-making as preferred alternative; guardianship imposed only as last resort with annual review; ward retains right to vote and right to counsel
Full guardianship — the legal elimination of an individual's decision-making authority — must be imposed only as a last resort when all less-restrictive alternatives, including supported decision-making arrangements, representative payee, healthcare proxies, and limited guardianship, have been considered and found inadequate; courts must appoint counsel for any person subject to a guardianship proceeding before a determination is made; all existing guardianships must be reviewed annually; persons under guardianship retain the right to vote, the right to marry, and the right to petition for restoration of rights; any guardian must report annually on the ward's condition and living circumstances and must obtain specific court authorization before restricting visitation or communications; private right of action for guardians who violate retained rights.
Guardianship strips the "ward" of legal capacity to make their own decisions about finances, healthcare, and living arrangements, transferring that authority to a court-appointed guardian. Guardianship abuses are well-documented: the 2021 Britney Spears conservatorship case brought national attention to how the system can enable long-term exploitation and control. Research by the National Council on Disability has found systematic problems including inadequate counsel, lack of regular review, and failure to consider less-restrictive alternatives. Supported decision-making — in which a person with a disability makes their own decisions with support from a trusted network — is recognized as a viable alternative under the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). Annual review ensures that restrictions justified at one point in time do not persist indefinitely after circumstances change. The right to vote is retained regardless of guardianship status: the right to participate in democratic governance is not forfeit by disability and must be explicitly preserved. Cross-reference: RGHT-DISS-0006 (ADA enforcement); RGHT-DISS-0010 (ADA Title III reform); RGHT-DISS-0011 (Olmstead enforcement).
RGHT-DISS-0010
Proposal
This position strengthens ADA protections in places open to the public — like stores, restaurants, and medical offices — by eliminating the loophole that allows businesses to escape liability for accessibility barriers simply by promising to fix them after being sued. It also adds minimum monetary damages so that lawsuits to enforce the law are financially viable.
ADA Title III reform: eliminate notice-and-cure defense for architectural barriers; add statutory minimum damages; strengthen private right of action
The ADA Title III private right of action must be strengthened by: eliminating the notice-and-cure defense that allows places of public accommodation to avoid liability for architectural barriers by promising future remediation only after being sued; adding statutory minimum damages of not less than $4,000 per violation to make individual private enforcement economically viable without requiring proof of individualized harm; establishing a rebuttable presumption that documented architectural barriers constitute violations; and providing mandatory fee-shifting to prevailing plaintiffs; these reforms apply to all places of public accommodation including digital and web-based services.
ADA Title III, which requires places of public accommodation to be accessible to people with disabilities, provides only injunctive relief for private plaintiffs — no compensatory damages — and many courts have recognized a notice-and-cure defense by which businesses escape all liability simply by promising to fix a barrier after being sued. This structure requires disabled people to personally encounter barriers, file expensive litigation, and receive no financial remedy — an arrangement that provides weak deterrence and places the entire enforcement burden on disabled individuals. California's Unruh Civil Rights Act ($4,000 minimum damages) has produced more accessible facilities than states relying on ADA Title III alone. Statutory minimum damages and mandatory fee-shifting are essential to make private enforcement viable alongside underfunded DOJ enforcement. Extension to digital and web-based services addresses the ADA's pre-internet origins and the documented inaccessibility of many commercial websites and apps for blind, deaf, and motor-impaired users. This rule adds specificity to the general ADA enforcement strengthening in RGHT-DISS-0006. Cross-reference: RGHT-DISS-0006 (ADA enforcement broadly); RGHT-DISS-0011 (Olmstead individual enforcement).
RGHT-DISS-0011
Proposal
This position gives disabled people who are unnecessarily kept in institutions — or stuck on waitlists for community services — the right to sue states directly to compel placement in community settings. It also requires the federal government to regularly audit states' compliance with their legal obligation to serve disabled people in the least restrictive setting.
Olmstead enforcement: individual right of action against states failing community integration obligations; mandatory HHS compliance reviews; binding corrective action plans
Disabled individuals who are unnecessarily institutionalized or placed on Medicaid HCBS waitlists in states that have not met their Olmstead integration obligations must have an individual right of action in federal court to compel community placement; the Department of Health and Human Services must conduct mandatory Olmstead compliance reviews of all states every three years; states found in violation must produce a binding corrective action plan with benchmarked timelines and milestones subject to court enforcement; states persistently failing Olmstead obligations face suspension of a portion of federal Medicaid administrative funding until compliance is demonstrated; private right of action available without exhausting administrative remedies.
The Supreme Court's decision in Olmstead v. L.C., 527 U.S. 581 (1999), established that the ADA requires states to provide services "in the most integrated setting appropriate to the needs of the individual," prohibiting unnecessary institutionalization. Twenty-five years after Olmstead, enforcement remains inconsistent: DOJ settlement agreements — the primary enforcement mechanism — are reached only after years of litigation and cover only states that have been sued. Approximately 700,000 people with intellectual and developmental disabilities remain on HCBS waitlists. RGHT-DISS-0008 addresses the funding structure (converting HCBS to an entitlement); this rule addresses the enforcement mechanism when states fail to provide community integration even within available funding. The combination of individual right of action and mandatory federal oversight creates the institutional pressure necessary to shift states from waitlist management to genuine community integration. Cross-reference: RGHT-DISS-0008 (HCBS entitlement); RGHT-DISS-0006 (ADA enforcement generally); RGHT-DISS-0010 (ADA Title III reform).
RGHT-DSBL-0001
Proposal
This position eliminates the $2,000 asset limit on SSI (Supplemental Security Income) eligibility, which has not been updated since 1989 and prevents disabled and elderly people from saving any money without losing benefits. Eligibility must be based only on income and disability status — saving a small emergency fund should not disqualify anyone.
SSI Recipients May Not Be Penalized for Saving Money — Asset Limits Must Be Eliminated
The $2,000 individual / $3,000 couple asset limit for Supplemental Security Income eligibility — unchanged since 1989 and worth a fraction of its original value in real terms — must be eliminated entirely; SSI eligibility must be based solely on income and disability status. In the interim, asset limits must be immediately indexed to inflation from their 1989 levels (approximately $4,800 individual / $7,200 couple in 2024 dollars) and then phased out over five years. The SSI marriage penalty — under which two SSI recipients who marry lose 25% of their combined benefits — must be eliminated; marital status may not affect SSI benefit calculations. ABLE accounts must be expanded to allow contributions from any source without affecting SSI eligibility. Any reduction or denial of SSI benefits based on assets or marital status contrary to this provision must be subject to individual appeal and private right of action for retroactive payment; willful implementation of an asset or marriage penalty in violation of this rule by a federal official is subject to criminal penalties.
The SSI asset limit effectively prohibits disabled people from saving for emergencies, car repairs, or educational expenses that could increase their economic independence. The $2,000 individual limit was set in 1972 and last raised to $3,000 for couples in 1989; it has not been adjusted for inflation since. At 2024 inflation-adjusted values from 1989, the limits would be approximately $4,800 individual and $7,200 couple. The marriage penalty imposes a direct financial cost on marriage between two SSI recipients, undermining family formation and economic cooperation among disabled people. Cross-reference: RGHT-DISS-0002 (SSDI adjudication backlog); RGHT-DISS-0003 (SSDI earnings cliff); RGHT-DSBL-0004 (work incentives without loss of healthcare).
RGHT-DSBL-0002
Proposal
This position requires the Justice Department to fully enforce the Supreme Court's Olmstead decision, which says states must serve people with disabilities in the most integrated community setting appropriate to their needs. Every state must have a binding plan — with annual benchmarks — to move people from nursing facilities and psychiatric hospitals into community-based settings.
States Must Transition People With Disabilities From Institutions to Community Settings
The DOJ must fully enforce the Supreme Court's Olmstead decision requiring states to serve people with disabilities in the most integrated setting appropriate to their needs; every state must submit and execute a comprehensive Olmstead transition plan with binding annual benchmarks for moving people from nursing facilities, psychiatric hospitals, and intermediate care facilities into community-based settings. The CMS must require states to spend Medicaid home and community-based services (HCBS) dollars at a ratio of at least 75% community-based to 25% institutional by 2030; states that miss benchmarks must develop corrective action plans or face Medicaid funding reductions. Waiting lists for HCBS Medicaid waivers must be eliminated within five years. Disabled individuals placed on HCBS waiting lists in violation of an approved transition plan have a private right of action for injunctive relief and compensatory damages; state officials who knowingly falsify compliance benchmarks are subject to criminal penalties under federal fraud statutes.
Over 600,000 Americans with disabilities are on waiting lists for home and community-based Medicaid services. Institutional care costs Medicaid 3–4 times more than equivalent community-based care. The Supreme Court's Olmstead decision (1999) held that unnecessary institutionalization violates the ADA integration mandate; twenty-five years later, enforcement remains inconsistent and waitlists persist. This card establishes the 75% HCBS spending ratio metric and binding annual benchmark requirement; RGHT-DISS-0011 separately addresses individual right of action and mandatory HHS compliance reviews. Cross-reference: RGHT-DISS-0008 (HCBS as Medicaid entitlement); RGHT-DISS-0011 (Olmstead individual right of action and HHS compliance reviews).
RGHT-DSBL-0003
Proposal
This position requires every state and local government that receives federal funding to submit a plan identifying all accessibility barriers and eliminate them within ten years. Annual progress reports are required, and the Justice Department must be funded to enforce compliance.
Federal Funding Recipients Must Achieve Full ADA Accessibility Within Ten Years
Every state and local government entity that receives federal funding must submit a Transition Plan to the DOJ within one year certifying current ADA Title II accessibility compliance and identifying all structural barriers; all identified barriers must be remediated within ten years with annual progress reports. The DOJ Civil Rights Division must be funded for dedicated ADA Title II enforcement including: proactive compliance reviews of all federally funded transit systems, courts, schools, and public accommodations every five years; a public complaint portal with 90-day resolution targets; and automatic referral to DOJ for any entity that fails two consecutive annual progress reports. Individuals with disabilities have a private right of action for injunctive relief and attorney fees without exhausting administrative remedies; willful noncompliance by a government entity receiving federal funds is subject to criminal referral and suspension of federal funding.
Thirty-four years after the ADA's passage, many public transit systems, sidewalks, and government buildings remain inaccessible to wheelchair users. ADA Title II applies specifically to state and local government entities and requires them to operate programs and services in an accessible manner; enforcement has been chronically reactive, relying on individual complaints rather than proactive compliance monitoring. ADA Title III (private places of public accommodation) is separately addressed in RGHT-DISS-0010. Cross-reference: RGHT-DISS-0006 (strengthen ADA enforcement broadly); RGHT-DISS-0010 (ADA Title III reform); RGHT-DISS-0011 (Olmstead enforcement).
RGHT-DSBL-0004
Proposal
This position guarantees that any person receiving SSDI or SSI who starts working again keeps their full Medicaid and Medicare coverage for at least five years, regardless of how much they earn. The current system — which can strip disabled workers of healthcare coverage after earning even modest wages — is eliminated.
Disabled Workers Must Not Lose Medicaid or Medicare When They Return to Work
Any person receiving Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI) or SSI who begins or resumes employment must retain full Medicaid and Medicare eligibility for no less than five years regardless of earnings; the "benefits cliff" — under which disabled workers can lose healthcare coverage upon exceeding modest earning thresholds — is eliminated. SSDI earnings limits must be indexed to 60% of median wage and adjusted annually; SSI earned income disregards must be updated to reflect current cost of living. The Social Security Administration must proactively notify all SSDI and SSI recipients of work incentive programs and provide individualized benefits counseling before any benefits are reduced or terminated due to work activity. Any wrongful termination of healthcare coverage in violation of this provision is subject to private right of action for reinstatement and damages; SSA officials who knowingly fail to provide required notification before benefits termination are subject to administrative penalties and criminal liability for willful violations.
The fear of losing Medicaid coverage is one of the primary barriers preventing people with disabilities from entering or re-entering the workforce. The current system creates a hard healthcare cliff: disabled workers who exceed the Substantial Gainful Activity threshold may lose Medicare after an extended period, and SSI recipients may lose Medicaid eligibility if income or resources exceed program thresholds. This risk of losing healthcare coverage deters work even when earning more would improve net financial position. This card addresses healthcare coverage retention; RGHT-DISS-0003 separately addresses the smooth phase-out of SSDI cash benefits. Cross-reference: RGHT-DISS-0003 (SSDI earnings cliff — smooth phase-out of cash benefits); RGHT-DSBL-0001 (SSI asset limits).
RGHT-FOOS-0001
Proposed
This position establishes the right to food as a fundamental right — meaning no person in the United States should go without nutritionally adequate food due to poverty. Government at all levels bears the responsibility to ensure that food security is achievable for every resident.
The Right to Food Is a Fundamental Right
The right to food is a fundamental right; no person in the United States may be unable to access nutritionally adequate food due to poverty; government at all levels bears the obligation to ensure food security is achievable for every resident.
Food insecurity in the United States is not a natural disaster — it is a policy failure. The USDA Economic Research Service reports that in 2023, approximately 13.5% of U.S. households — over 18 million households — were food insecure at some point during the year.[6] Among households with children, the rate was higher. The United States is a food-surplus nation; the existence of widespread food insecurity reflects distributional failures, not production shortfalls. The right to food is recognized in Article 11 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; the United States has signed but not ratified the ICESCR, but the right to food reflects a widely shared international consensus. The UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food has documented that the United States has high food insecurity relative to its income level. This rule establishes food security as a fundamental policy right and creates the platform's commitment to making it domestically enforceable through federal statute. Cross-reference: RGT-FOO-002 through RGT-FOO-006 (implementation); RGT-POV-001 (poverty elimination); ECO-GBI (income floor as foundational support).
RGHT-FOOS-0002
Proposed
This position requires SNAP (food stamp) benefit levels to reflect actual food costs in real time, updated for inflation. It prohibits benefit cliffs — sudden drops in assistance — and arbitrary paperwork requirements that prevent eligible people from getting the food help they need.
SNAP Must Be Adequately Funded; Benefits Must Reflect Actual Food Costs
SNAP benefit levels must reflect actual food costs as measured by the USDA Thrifty Food Plan and updated in real time for inflation; benefit cliffs and arbitrary documentation requirements that prevent eligible people from receiving benefits are prohibited.
SNAP (the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program) is the primary federal food assistance program, serving approximately 40–42 million Americans. SNAP benefits were long set based on the Thrifty Food Plan — the lowest-cost of four USDA meal plans — and were consistently found to be inadequate: many participants exhausted their benefits before the end of the month. In 2021, the USDA conducted the first comprehensive revision of the Thrifty Food Plan since 1975, resulting in a 21% average increase in maximum benefits.[7] This revision was significant, but the plan still represents a very constrained food budget that requires careful meal planning for nutritional adequacy. This rule requires benefits to be genuinely adequate — not the minimum conceivable amount — and adjusted in real time for food cost inflation rather than on an annual lag. It also prohibits documentation requirements that function as deterrents to eligible applicants rather than genuine eligibility verification. Cross-reference: RGT-FOO-001 (right to food); RGT-FOO-003 (work requirements); ECO-GBI-005 (no welfare cliffs).
RGHT-FOOS-0003
Proposed
This position prohibits work requirements for food assistance programs when a person cannot reasonably be expected to work — because of disability, caregiving responsibilities, age, or lack of available jobs. Food access may not depend on meeting conditions unrelated to a person's actual need for help.
Work Requirements for Food Assistance Prohibited Where Individual Cannot Reasonably Work
Work requirements for food assistance are prohibited where the individual cannot reasonably be expected to work due to disability, caregiving responsibilities, age, lack of available employment, or other barriers; eligibility may not be conditioned on program participation or behavior modification requirements unrelated to food access.
SNAP currently imposes time-limited work requirements on Able-Bodied Adults Without Dependents (ABAWDs) ages 18–52. These requirements are administratively burdensome, empirically ineffective at increasing employment, and remove food assistance from people who cannot find work rather than from people who choose not to seek it. Research consistently finds that SNAP work requirements reduce program participation among people who need benefits without producing meaningful employment gains — the primary effect is administrative disenrollment, not employment improvement.[8] The "able-bodied" determination misses many who need accommodations: people with non-visible disabilities, people caring for elderly or ill family members, people in high-unemployment areas, people in jobs with irregular hours who fail compliance paperwork through no fault of their own. Conditioning food access on behavior modification (drug testing, program participation, etc.) is particularly objectionable — hunger is not an appropriate enforcement mechanism for employment or social policy. Cross-reference: RGT-FOO-001 (right to food); RGT-FOO-002 (SNAP adequacy); ECO-GBI-005 (no welfare cliffs).
RGHT-FOOS-0004
Proposed
This position requires school meals to be available at no charge to every student, regardless of family income. It prohibits lunch debt practices — including shaming students, withholding food, or punishing children for unpaid meal balances — because no child should go hungry at school.
Universal School Meals Without Charge; School Lunch Debt Practices Prohibited
School meal programs must be universally available to all students without charge regardless of family income; no student may go hungry at school due to inability to pay; lunch debt practices — shaming, withholding food, or punishing children for unpaid balances — are prohibited.
School lunch debt — accumulating unpaid lunch balances for children whose families cannot pay, often resulting in debt collection, alternative "meals" (cold sandwiches instead of hot food), or public shaming — is a documented feature of the American school food system. Research specifically evaluating the School Breakfast Program demonstrates that children who receive adequate nutrition at school have better academic performance, higher attendance, and improved long-term health outcomes — findings that the broader school meals evidence base is consistent with.[9] During the COVID-19 pandemic, universal free school meals were provided nationwide and broadly regarded as effective and administratively simpler than the means-tested system. The means-tested free/reduced-price meal system — requiring families to document income and submit eligibility forms that many do not complete even when eligible — creates an access gap between nominal eligibility and actual receipt. Universal provision eliminates that gap and the administrative stigma of "free lunch" designation. Multiple states including California, Colorado, Maine, Minnesota, and others have enacted permanent universal school meals. Federal universal free school meals would extend this to all states. Cross-reference: RGT-FOO-001 (right to food); RGT-FOO-002 (SNAP; school meals complement SNAP as complementary nutrition support).
RGHT-FOOS-0005
Proposed
This position requires federal investment to expand access to affordable, nutritious food in areas where residents currently lack it — known as food deserts. This includes funding grocery stores, community food co-ops, and farmers markets in underserved communities.
Federal Investment to Address Food Deserts
Federal policy must address food deserts — geographic areas where residents lack reasonable access to affordable, nutritious food — through investment in grocery infrastructure, community food co-ops and farmers markets, and incentives for full-service grocery stores to locate in underserved communities.
A food desert is a geographic area — typically low-income and/or predominantly minority — where residents lack access within a reasonable distance to a full-service grocery store selling fresh produce, meat, and dairy at affordable prices. The USDA Economic Research Service's Food Access Research Atlas maps food access across the United States and documents communities with significant limited food access.[6] Food deserts are not natural market outcomes; they result from decades of disinvestment, discriminatory insurance and lending practices, exclusionary zoning, and the economics of grocery retail that prioritize high-income neighborhoods. Residents of food deserts face higher effective food costs (purchasing at convenience stores), higher rates of diet-related chronic disease, and reduced ability to benefit from SNAP even when enrolled. Federal investment tools include: CDFI (Community Development Financial Institution) support for community grocery projects; New Markets Tax Credits for grocery investment in low-income census tracts; USDA grants for food co-ops and community markets; and direct incentives for grocery store location in underserved areas. Cross-reference: RGT-FOO-001 through RGT-FOO-004; RGT-POV-001 (poverty and food access are directly linked).
RGHT-FOOS-0006
Proposed
This position requires full funding of WIC — a federal nutrition program for pregnant and nursing people, infants, and young children — and updates its food packages and benefit amounts to reflect current nutrition science and real food costs. Pregnant and nursing people, infants, and young children have a guaranteed right to nutritional support that actually meets their needs.
Full Funding and Modernization of WIC
The WIC program must be fully funded, and its food packages and benefit amounts must be updated to reflect current nutritional science and cost-of-living realities; pregnant and nursing people, infants, and young children have a right to nutritional support that reflects their developmental needs.
WIC (the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children) is among the most evidence-supported nutrition programs in the federal government's portfolio. Research documents WIC's association with reduced infant mortality, improved birth outcomes, reduced preterm birth rates, increased breastfeeding initiation and duration, and improved child cognitive development and school readiness. Source needed: cite USDA FNS WIC participation data and peer-reviewed research on WIC outcomes (multiple studies confirm these findings; specific citations should be verified). Despite its effectiveness, WIC is chronically underfunded relative to the eligible population and has faced repeated budget pressures. WIC benefits are a prescribed food package, and the package requires periodic updating to reflect current nutritional science — the 2009 update added whole grains, produce, and reduced juice; further updates are warranted. Fruit and vegetable benefits in WIC have not kept pace with food price inflation. Cross-reference: RGT-FOO-001 (right to food); RGT-FOO-002 (SNAP); RGT-POV-001 (poverty elimination — WIC is a critical anti-poverty tool for infants and young children).
RGHT-RPRS-0001
Included
This position requires the United States government to formally acknowledge that it has an unresolved obligation to address the ongoing economic and social harm caused by slavery, the Black Codes, Jim Crow, redlining, and discriminatory federal programs like the GI Bill. This acknowledgment is the necessary starting point — not the end — of a process of genuine redress.
Acknowledge reparations obligation
The United States formally acknowledges an unresolved obligation to address the multigenerational economic and social harm caused by chattel slavery, the Black Codes, convict leasing, Jim Crow segregation, redlining, and racially discriminatory application of federal programs including the GI Bill and FHA mortgage programs.
This rule establishes the principle without prescribing mechanism. The harm is documented, the obligation is recognized, and inaction is no longer treated as a neutral default. Implementation details are to be determined through a legitimate democratic and deliberative process.
RGHT-RPRS-0002
Included
This position requires Congress to create a commission with the legal authority to study the harms of slavery and subsequent discrimination, review government records, and develop specific recommendations for what redress should look like and how it should be structured.
Commission to study and recommend redress
Congress must charter a commission with authority to study the harms of slavery and subsequent discrimination, assess existing government records, document economic and social impact, and develop recommendations for the form and scope of redress.
Modeled on the H.R. 40 framework proposed since 1989. The commission must include historians, economists, legal scholars, affected communities, and policy experts. Its mandate must include both quantitative impact assessment and review of precedents from other nations and contexts (German reparations, Japanese-American internment redress). The commission's findings must result in a mandatory congressional response — not be filed and ignored.
RGHT-RPRS-0003
Included
This position requires that any reparations program be genuine and proportionate to documented harm — not just an apology or symbolic gesture. Redress must be enacted into law, fully funded, and enforceable, whether through direct payments, community investment, housing and education programs, or other structured forms of compensation.
Redress must be substantive, not symbolic
Any reparations program must constitute genuine, substantive redress proportionate to documented harm — not purely symbolic acknowledgment. Mechanisms may include direct payments, community investment, education and housing access programs, or other structured interventions, but must be enacted through law, funded, and enforceable.
The specific form is TBD pending the commission process. This rule ensures the platform cannot be satisfied by a resolution, an apology, or a historical marker alone. Redress must have material impact. The platform commits to the principle and the process, not a predetermined mechanism.
RGHT-RPRS-0004
Included
This position protects advocacy for reparations as a form of free speech. No person may be denied a government job, public benefits, housing, contracts, or security clearances because they support or participate in reparations advocacy or research.
No retaliation or penalty for reparations advocacy
Advocacy for reparations is protected political speech. No person may be denied public employment, benefits, housing, contracts, security clearances, or other public accommodations based on support for or engagement in reparations advocacy or research.
Addresses documented patterns of retaliation and stigmatization of reparations advocates in public life, academia, and government. Ensures the deliberative process cannot be chilled by threat of professional or civil consequences.
RGHT-STAS-0001
Proposed
This position requires Congress to pass a federal law establishing the right to reproductive healthcare — including abortion, contraception, miscarriage care, and fertility treatment — as enforceable statutory law, while work on a constitutional amendment is underway. This ensures these rights remain protected even if courts eliminate constitutional protections.
Federal statute codifying reproductive rights while constitutional amendment is pending
Congress must enact a federal statute codifying the right to reproductive healthcare — including abortion, contraception, miscarriage care, and fertility treatment — as a matter of federal statutory law, enforceable in federal courts, while a constitutional amendment establishing reproductive autonomy as an explicit constitutional right is pending ratification.
The constitutional principles in RGT-BOD-001 and RGT-BOD-002 require constitutional amendment for full protection; statutory codification provides protection in the interim and ensures federal enforcement even if courts narrow constitutional interpretation. The Women's Health Protection Act, introduced in multiple congressional sessions, provides a model for statutory protection of reproductive rights. Statutory protection can be enacted by simple majority; it can also be reversed by a subsequent Congress, which is why it is framed as an interim measure while the constitutional amendment process proceeds. The statute must establish a federal cause of action, private rights of enforcement, and federal preemption of state restrictions that interfere with access to reproductive healthcare beyond defined narrow limits.
RGHT-STAS-0002
Proposed
This position requires Congress to codify in federal statute that civil rights laws prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity in employment, education, housing, and public accommodations — extending the Supreme Court's 2020 Bostock ruling to all covered contexts. A federal statute is more durable than a court ruling alone.
Federal statute codifying LGBTQ+ protections in employment, housing, and public accommodations
Congress must codify by statute that Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, Title IX, and the Fair Housing Act prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity in employment, education, housing, and public accommodations, consistent with Bostock v. Clayton County (2020), and extending its holding to all covered contexts.
The Supreme Court's decision in Bostock v. Clayton County, 590 U.S. 644 (2020), held that Title VII's prohibition on sex discrimination encompasses discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity.[4] This holding rests on the Court's interpretation of the statute — it can be narrowed or reversed by a future Court, as the current Court has shown willingness to do with established precedent. Statutory codification of the Bostock holding — extending explicit protection to housing, education, and public accommodations as the Equality Act proposes — removes the dependency on judicial precedent and establishes LGBTQ+ non-discrimination as an explicit, unambiguous federal statutory right. The rule complements the constitutional protections in RGT-EQT-001 through -004 with a concrete statutory floor in effect now.
RGHT-STAS-0003
Proposed
This position establishes that once a fundamental right is recognized by federal law or court decision, Congress cannot legislate to eliminate it and no federal agency can take it away — only a constitutional amendment could reduce it. Rights may only be expanded, never rolled back.
Anti-backsliding: once a right is recognized, it may not be eliminated below that floor without constitutional amendment
Once a fundamental right is recognized and established by federal court decision or federal statute, Congress may not legislate below that floor, and no federal agency may act to eliminate that right, absent a new constitutional amendment; the floor may only be raised, not lowered.
The anti-backsliding principle recognizes that rights protection is not merely about adding new rights but about protecting established ones from elimination. The reversal of Roe v. Wade in Dobbs demonstrated that constitutional rights once recognized can be stripped by bare-majority judicial appointments, eliminating rights on which millions of people had relied for decades. An anti-backsliding rule establishes that recognized fundamental rights constitute a ratchet: they can be extended and strengthened, but not reduced below their recognized scope without the supermajoritarian consensus required for constitutional amendment. This provides stability and reliance protection while preserving the democratic ability to expand rights through normal legislative processes. Rights defined by statute are subject to legislative revision as part of normal democratic governance; rights recognized as constitutional are subject to the anti-backsliding floor.
RGHT-SPHS-0001
Proposed
This position requires Congress to pass a federal law protecting people from SLAPP suits — lawsuits filed by powerful actors not to win in court, but to silence critics and drain their resources with legal costs. Under this law, courts must dismiss these suits early and order the plaintiff to pay the defendant's legal fees.
Federal anti-SLAPP legislation to protect free speech and public participation
Congress must enact federal anti-SLAPP (Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation) legislation providing for early dismissal, with mandatory attorney's fees and costs, of lawsuits that target protected speech, petition, or participation in public affairs; the federal anti-SLAPP statute must apply in all federal courts and in federal diversity cases.
SLAPP suits — lawsuits filed not to win but to burden critics with litigation costs — are a direct mechanism for chilling constitutionally protected speech, particularly by individuals and organizations with fewer resources than the parties suing them. As of 2024, no federal anti-SLAPP statute exists; 32 states plus the District of Columbia have enacted some form of protection, but coverage is uneven and federal courts have inconsistently applied state anti-SLAPP laws in diversity jurisdiction cases.[5] The chilling effect of SLAPP suits falls heaviest on journalists, community activists, whistleblowers, and critics of powerful corporations and public officials — exactly the speech the First Amendment most needs to protect. Federal legislation modeled on strong state statutes (California's anti-SLAPP law, enacted 1992, is the most established model) would provide uniform protection for public-interest speech across all federal jurisdictions.
RGHT-SPHS-0002
Proposed
This position prohibits law enforcement from using kettling — mass containment of peaceful crowds — and from deploying crowd control weapons against protesters without individualized probable cause for each person targeted. It also prohibits law enforcement from publicly disclosing the personal information of protesters to third parties without a court order.
Right to peaceful assembly and protest — ban on kettling, crowd control without individualized suspicion, and law enforcement doxxing of protesters
Law enforcement agencies may not use kettling (mass containment of peaceful assemblies), may not use crowd control weapons against protests absent individualized probable cause for each person targeted, and may not publicly identify or disclose the personal information of protesters to third parties without court order.
The First Amendment right to peaceful assembly is meaningless if law enforcement can contain entire crowds without individualized cause, deploy crowd-control weapons against nonviolent demonstrations, or expose protesters to targeted harassment and retaliation by disclosing their identities. Kettling — surrounding and containing large groups of peaceful protesters — is used to punish participation in assembly without any assessment of individual conduct. It constitutes a mass detention of people exercising constitutional rights without individualized suspicion. Mass crowd-control weapon deployment against peaceful protests violates the individualized suspicion requirement that governs all police use of force. Law enforcement disclosure of protest participants' personal information to third parties — including non-governmental actors, employers, or hostile groups — constitutes state-assisted retaliation against protected speech and chills future participation.
RGHT-SPHS-0003
Proposed
This position makes clear that the right to religious freedom protects private belief and practice within faith communities, but does not authorize refusal of services, employment discrimination, or denial of equal treatment in public accommodations, government services, or federally funded programs based on someone else's characteristics.
Religious freedom is not a license to discriminate against others in public accommodations, employment, or government services
The free exercise of religion protects the right to hold beliefs and practice faith privately and within religious communities, but does not authorize refusal of services, employment discrimination, or denial of equal treatment in public accommodations, government services, or federally funded programs based on a third party's characteristics.
This rule clarifies the existing principle in RGT-REL-003 as applied specifically to the public accommodations, employment, and government services context, where the Supreme Court's decisions in 303 Creative LLC v. Elenis (2023) and related cases have created uncertainty about when religious exercise claims can override non-discrimination requirements. The principle is straightforward: religious freedom protects what you believe and how you practice within your own faith community; it does not authorize harming third parties who do not share your beliefs by denying them services, employment, or equal access to government programs. A religiously observant person retains all protections for their own religious exercise while operating a public business or providing government services; but operating in the public marketplace or holding government employment creates obligations to serve all persons equally regardless of the server's beliefs about those persons.
RGHT-SPHS-0004
Proposed
This position gives employees a legally enforceable right to be unreachable from their employer outside scheduled working hours. Employers may not penalize, monitor, or fire workers for not responding to non-emergency messages during their off-duty time.
Right to disconnect — employees have a legally enforceable right to be unreachable outside working hours
Employees have a legally enforceable right to disconnect from employer-controlled digital systems, monitoring tools, and communications outside scheduled working hours; employers may not penalize, track, monitor, or terminate employees for non-response to non-emergency communications during off-duty hours.
The proliferation of employer-controlled smartphones, messaging platforms, location tracking, and productivity monitoring software has effectively eliminated the boundary between work and personal time for millions of workers. Employer digital monitoring now extends 24 hours a day, with many workers reporting pressure to respond to messages and emails at all hours under threat of performance consequences. France enacted a right-to-disconnect law in 2017 (Labour Law Article L2242-17); California introduced AB 2751 in 2024 to establish a state right to disconnect. The freedom from involuntary employer surveillance during non-work hours is an extension of bodily autonomy, privacy, and freedom of personal life into the digital labor environment. A federal minimum right to disconnect — requiring employers to define working hours, prohibiting monitoring or communication requirements outside those hours except in genuine emergencies, and establishing enforcement through the Department of Labor — establishes a floor that states may exceed.
RGHT-SPHS-0005
Proposal
This position requires Congress to pass a federal shield law protecting journalists from being compelled to reveal their confidential sources or unpublished materials. This protection covers independent and non-traditional media, not just major news organizations, and applies unless the government proves the information is essential to a specific criminal investigation and cannot be obtained any other way.
Federal reporter shield law: journalists may not be compelled to reveal confidential sources or unpublished materials; covers independent and non-traditional media; private right of action
No federal court, grand jury, or government agency may compel a journalist to disclose a confidential source, unpublished notes, draft materials, or newsgathering communications unless the government demonstrates by clear and convincing evidence that the information is essential to a specific criminal investigation, is not obtainable by any other reasonable means, and that the public interest in disclosure outweighs the public interest in a free press; shield protection extends to journalists regardless of employment or institutional affiliation, including independent, freelance, and digital journalists and bloggers engaged in journalism as a regular activity; a private right of action for unlawful compulsion applies, with mandatory fee-shifting.
No federal reporter shield law exists. Forty-nine states and the District of Columbia have some form of shield protection, but federal courts are not bound by state shield laws. Federal prosecutors have subpoenaed journalists repeatedly to compel source disclosure in leak investigations, chilling investigative journalism on national security and government misconduct. The Free Flow of Information Act has been introduced in multiple congressional sessions without enactment. The Supreme Court's ruling in Branzburg v. Hayes, 408 U.S. 665 (1972), held that the First Amendment does not create an absolute privilege to refuse grand jury testimony but left open a qualified privilege that Congress has never codified. A federal shield law with a qualified privilege and clear and convincing evidence standard provides meaningful protection while preserving access to information essential for serious criminal prosecutions. Extension to independent and digital journalists is essential: the most significant investigative journalism today routinely occurs outside traditional institutional news organizations, and a shield that protects only employees of large newspapers would exclude the outlets most vulnerable to retaliation. Cross-reference: RGHT-SPHS-0006 (government surveillance of journalists); RGHT-TECS-0005 (NSL gag orders); RGHT-SPHS-0001 (anti-SLAPP).
RGHT-SPHS-0006
Proposal
This position requires government agencies to obtain a warrant with special court oversight before surveilling a journalist's phone records, emails, or digital accounts. After surveillance ends, the journalist must be notified in writing within 90 days — unless a court orders continued secrecy — and government officials who conduct illegal retaliatory surveillance of journalists face criminal penalties.
Warrant requirement and special master review for government surveillance of journalist communications; criminal penalties for retaliatory surveillance
Government agencies must obtain a warrant with special master review before conducting any surveillance of journalist communications, phone records, email, or digital accounts; the target must be notified in writing after surveillance concludes, within 90 days, unless a court issues a specific non-disclosure order supported by written findings of ongoing operational necessity; government officials who authorize surveillance of journalists in retaliation for news coverage, source protection, or publication of newsworthy information are subject to criminal prosecution and civil liability; evidence gathered through unlawfully authorized journalist surveillance is suppressed in all related proceedings; the special master must be a retired federal judge with press law experience.
The Department of Justice obtained phone records of Associated Press journalists in 2013 without notification, raising serious press freedom concerns. In 2021, it was reported that the DOJ had obtained records of New York Times, Washington Post, and CNN reporters under national security subpoenas issued under the Trump administration. The Attorney General's Guidelines on domestic operations include some protections for journalist records, but these are internal policy rather than binding law, can be changed by any administration, and provide no remedy when violated. Statutory warrant requirements with special master review remove the ability of any administration to surveil the press unilaterally or in retaliation for coverage. Criminal penalties for retaliatory surveillance are necessary to deter politically motivated targeting of journalists reporting on government misconduct — a deterrent that administrative guidelines do not provide. Cross-reference: RGHT-SPHS-0005 (reporter shield law); RGHT-TECS-0004 (FISA reform); RGHT-TECS-0002 (digital warrant requirement); RGHT-TECS-0010 (domestic organization surveillance ban).
ADMN-VTLS-0001ProposalThis position requires that vital records — like birth certificates and marriage licenses — be obtainable at any courthouse or government records office, not only the specific location that originally issued them. People should not have to travel long distances to one particular office just to get copies of their own documents.
Vital records obtainable at any courthouse or records office not only the issuing location
Vital records obtainable at any courthouse or records office not only the issuing location
Source: DB entry CIV-VTL-001, status: MISSING. Pending editorial review.
ADMN-VTLS-0002ProposalThis position eliminates the requirement that people travel to the specific courthouse or office that issued their vital records in order to obtain copies. Access to one's own government documents should not depend on geography or the ability to travel.
No requirement to travel to the issuing courthouse to obtain vital records
No requirement to travel to the issuing courthouse to obtain vital records
Source: DB entry CIV-VTL-002, status: MISSING. Pending editorial review.
ADMN-VTLS-0003ProposalThis position establishes that accessible vital records include marriage licenses, name changes, birth certificates, death certificates, and related civil documents. All of these are essential records that people have a right to obtain easily.
Vital records access includes marriage licenses name changes birth certificates death certificates and related civil ...
Vital records access includes marriage licenses name changes birth certificates death certificates and related civil documents
Source: DB entry CIV-VTL-003, status: MISSING. Pending editorial review.
ADMN-VTLS-0004ProposalThis position requires that certified copies of vital records be available through multiple channels — online, by mail, and in person. People should be able to get official copies of their own documents in whatever way is most accessible to them.
Certified vital records must be easily obtainable online by mail and in person
Certified vital records must be easily obtainable online by mail and in person
Source: DB entry CIV-VTL-004, status: MISSING. Pending editorial review.
ADMN-VTLS-0005ProposalThis position requires that vital records sent by mail must be delivered using certified, trackable mail with confirmation of receipt. This protects people from losing irreplaceable legal documents to unreliable mail handling.
Mailed vital records must be sent by certified trackable mail with delivery confirmation
Mailed vital records must be sent by certified trackable mail with delivery confirmation
Source: DB entry CIV-VTL-005, status: MISSING. Pending editorial review.
RGHT-REPR-0001
Proposal
This position requires Congress to pass a federal law guaranteeing the right to abortion through fetal viability — generally 22 to 24 weeks of pregnancy — without state interference, mandatory waiting periods, or medically unnecessary requirements. After viability, abortion must remain available when the pregnant person's life or health is at risk, as determined by their physician.
The Right to Abortion Must Be Codified in Federal Statute With No Gestational Limit Before Viability
Congress must pass federal legislation establishing a statutory right to abortion that: protects abortion access through fetal viability (generally 22–24 weeks) without state interference, restrictions, mandatory waiting periods, or medically unnecessary procedural requirements; protects abortion access after viability when the life or health of the pregnant person is at risk, with the treating physician's medical judgment as the governing standard; prohibits states from criminalizing patients, physicians, nurses, midwives, pharmacists, or anyone who assists a person in obtaining an abortion; prohibits states from imposing TRAP laws (Targeted Regulation of Abortion Providers) that have no legitimate medical justification and function solely to restrict access; and creates a federal cause of action for individuals whose abortion rights are violated by state action. Traveling across state lines to obtain an abortion is a federally protected right; interstate enforcement of state abortion bans is preempted. Enforcement includes criminal penalties for state actors who violate the federal preemption and a private right of action for patients, providers, and assistants subjected to state prosecution or civil liability.
The Supreme Court's 2022 decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization eliminated the federal constitutional right to abortion, allowing states to ban the procedure entirely. As of 2024, more than a dozen states have near-total abortion bans in effect. Cross-reference: RGHT-BODS-0001 (bodily autonomy); RGHT-BODS-0009 (Comstock Act repeal); RGHT-STAS-0003 (statutory reproductive rights).
RGHT-REPR-0002
Proposal
This position requires full enforcement of the ACA contraception mandate with no exemptions — every FDA-approved contraceptive method must be covered by health insurance without any cost to the patient. It also requires the FDA to pursue over-the-counter access to hormonal contraception and provides federal funding to expand access for people without insurance.
Access to Contraception Is a Federal Right and Must Be Fully Covered Without Cost-Sharing
The ACA contraception mandate must be fully enforced with no religious or secular employer exemptions that shift costs to employees; every FDA-approved contraceptive method must be covered without cost-sharing by all health plans. The FDA must approve over-the-counter access to hormonal contraception without prescription where medically supported; federal funding for FDA OTC contraception approval processes must be prioritized. Title X family planning funding must be restored to inflation-adjusted levels; Title X grantees may not be required to withhold abortion referrals and may not be penalized for being part of a health system that provides abortion services. States may not restrict Medicaid family planning coverage or impose waiting periods on contraception prescriptions. Emergency contraception must be available in all hospital emergency departments and must be offered to sexual assault survivors. Enforcement includes civil penalties against noncompliant insurers and employers, a private right of action for employees denied contraception coverage, and federal withholding of Medicaid reimbursements from states that unlawfully restrict family planning coverage.
The Supreme Court's 2022 Hobby Lobby and Little Sisters decisions eroded the ACA contraception mandate by allowing employer religious exemptions. Title X funding has been repeatedly cut or restricted, reducing access to contraception for low-income patients. Cross-reference: RGHT-BODS-0002 (contraception rights); RGHT-RELS-0005 (RFRA not a sword).
RGHT-REPR-0003
Proposal
This position establishes a federal right to access IVF (in vitro fertilization) and other assisted reproductive technologies, and prohibits states from banning or criminalizing IVF. Laws that treat fertilized embryos as legal persons — which could expose IVF providers and patients to criminal liability for embryos that do not survive the process — are prohibited.
In Vitro Fertilization and Assisted Reproductive Technology Must Be Protected as a Federal Right
Federal law must establish the right of individuals and couples to access in vitro fertilization (IVF), intrauterine insemination, and other assisted reproductive technologies; states may not ban, criminalize, or impose restrictions on IVF that have no legitimate medical basis. Legislation that confers legal personhood on embryos at fertilization — which would expose IVF providers and patients to criminal and civil liability for embryo loss during standard medical procedures — is prohibited. Health insurance plans covering 50 or more employees must cover at least three IVF cycles per patient; Medicaid must cover fertility treatments for eligible patients. Fertility preservation — including egg and embryo freezing — must be covered for patients undergoing cancer treatment or other medical procedures likely to impair fertility. Enforcement includes criminal penalties for state officials who enforce embryo-personhood laws against IVF providers, and a private right of action for patients denied legally required insurance coverage.
The Alabama Supreme Court's 2024 ruling declaring frozen embryos to be legal persons resulted in IVF clinics temporarily halting services in the state. IVF is cost-prohibitive for most Americans, with a single cycle costing $12,000–$20,000 and no insurance coverage in most states. Cross-reference: RGHT-BODS-0001 (bodily autonomy); RGHT-REPR-0001 (abortion statutory right).
RGHT-REPR-0004
Proposal
This position requires employers to provide reasonable accommodations — like modified duties, seating, and hydration breaks — to pregnant and postpartum workers, with full enforcement of the Pregnant Workers Fairness Act. Employers must also provide a dedicated, private lactation space with paid break time — separate from restrooms — for nursing parents.
Pregnant and Postpartum Workers Must Have Enforceable Rights to Accommodations and Lactation Breaks
The Pregnant Workers Fairness Act must be fully enforced; employers must provide reasonable accommodations to pregnant and postpartum workers including modified duties, seating, hydration breaks, and schedule modifications; the EEOC must proactively audit compliance in industries with high rates of pregnancy discrimination including food service, retail, and healthcare. Employers must provide dedicated, private, non-bathroom lactation spaces; paid pump breaks of at least 20 minutes every three hours for the first year after birth; and lactation accommodations that do not reduce the employee's earnings. Pregnancy discrimination — including failure to hire, demotion, forced leave, and termination — is subject to enhanced civil penalties, full back pay, and compensatory damages; a private right of action must exist without an administrative exhaustion requirement. Criminal penalties must apply to employers who engage in systematic, willful pregnancy discrimination affecting multiple employees.
Pregnancy discrimination charges filed with the EEOC have increased significantly over the past two decades. Black women and women in low-wage jobs face the highest rates of pregnancy discrimination. Cross-reference: RGHT-EQTS-0002 (sex discrimination); labor and workers' rights pillar (workplace protections).
RGHT-REPR-0005
Proposal
This position requires Congress to declare Black maternal mortality a federal public health emergency and fund a sustained response — including mandatory anti-racism training for obstetric providers receiving Medicare or Medicaid funding, full Medicaid coverage of doula services in all 50 states, and 12 months of postpartum Medicaid coverage. Black women in the United States die from pregnancy-related causes at a rate roughly three times higher than white women.
The Federal Government Must Treat Black Maternal Mortality as a Public Health Emergency
Congress must declare Black maternal mortality a federal public health emergency and fund a sustained national response that includes: mandatory implicit bias and anti-racism training for all obstetric providers receiving Medicare or Medicaid reimbursement; full Medicaid coverage of doula services in all 50 states; expansion of Medicaid postpartum coverage to 12 months in all states; funding for community birth centers in underserved areas; and collection and public reporting of maternal mortality data disaggregated by race, ethnicity, and insurance status. Full practice authority for certified nurse-midwives must be established in all 50 states, removing physician supervision requirements that restrict access in rural and underserved areas. Hospitals with documented racial disparities in maternal outcomes must develop and implement equity plans as a condition of continued Medicare and Medicaid participation. Enforcement includes federal withholding of Medicare and Medicaid funds from non-compliant hospitals and a private right of action for patients harmed by documented, race-correlated deviations from the standard of care.
Black women in the U.S. die from pregnancy-related causes at approximately three times the rate of white women. The U.S. has the highest maternal mortality rate among high-income countries. Cross-reference: RGHT-EQTS-0001 (racial equality); healthcare pillar (right to care, Medicaid expansion).
RGHT-LGBQ-0001
Proposal
This position requires Congress to pass the Equality Act, amending major civil rights laws to explicitly prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity in employment, housing, public accommodations, credit, education, federal funding, and jury service. Current law leaves LGBTQ+ people without clear federal protection in many of these areas.
Federal Law Must Prohibit Discrimination Based on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity in All Public Life
Congress must pass the Equality Act to amend existing civil rights statutes — including the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Fair Housing Act, the Equal Credit Opportunity Act, and the Rehabilitation Act — to explicitly prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity in: employment, housing, public accommodations, credit, education, federal funding, and jury service; the Religious Freedom Restoration Act may not be used as a defense to discrimination claims under the Equality Act; religious organizations that operate public accommodations, receive federal funding, or employ workers are subject to non-discrimination requirements; the Equality Act must apply to all employers regardless of size with no small-employer exemption; enforcement must include EEOC authority, DOJ authority, and a private right of action with full remedies including compensatory and punitive damages.
The Supreme Court's 2020 Bostock v. Clayton County decision held that Title VII prohibits employment discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity, but this protection does not extend to housing, public accommodations, or other contexts. No comprehensive federal law prohibits LGBTQ+ discrimination in housing or public accommodations. Cross-reference: RGHT-EQTS-0005 (Equality Act in equality protections family); RGHT-STAS-0002 (statutory LGBTQ+ protections); RGHT-RELS-0006 (RFRA may not be used to harm third parties).
RGHT-LGBQ-0002
Proposal
This position requires all health insurance plans — including Medicaid and Medicare — to cover gender-affirming care, including hormone therapy, puberty blockers, and surgical care. Denying coverage specifically because a treatment is gender-affirming is prohibited as sex discrimination, and states may not criminalize or restrict healthcare providers who offer this care.
Transgender and Gender-Nonconforming People Must Have Full Access to Evidence-Based Healthcare
Gender-affirming healthcare — including hormone therapy, puberty blockers, and surgical care — must be covered by all health insurance plans including Medicaid and Medicare; coverage denials based on the gender-affirming nature of the treatment are prohibited as sex discrimination under Section 1557 of the ACA; states may not criminalize, restrict, or penalize healthcare providers who provide evidence-based gender-affirming care to minors or adults, parents who support their minor children's access to gender-affirming care, or individuals who travel across state lines to obtain gender-affirming healthcare; anti-trans legislation that restricts gender-affirming care for minors without individualized medical determination is preempted by federal law; decisions about appropriate care must be made by patients, families, and licensed healthcare providers — not legislators; insurance plans may not impose categorical exclusions for gender-affirming care; enforcement includes criminal penalties for state officials who prosecute federally protected healthcare access and a private right of action for individuals denied coverage or care.
Major medical associations including the American Academy of Pediatrics and the American Medical Association support access to gender-affirming care for transgender youth. More than 20 states have passed legislation restricting or banning gender-affirming care for minors. Cross-reference: RGHT-BODS-0004 (right to gender-affirming care); RGHT-BODS-0010 (adult care prohibition and insurance mandate); RGHT-EQTS-0005 (Equality Act).
RGHT-LGBQ-0003
Proposal
This position prohibits conversion therapy on minors — any practice by a licensed provider, religious counselor, or other professional that attempts to change a young person's sexual orientation, gender identity, or gender expression. Licensed practitioners who engage in conversion therapy on minors face loss of their professional license and civil liability.
Conversion Therapy Practiced on Minors Is Prohibited and Constitutes Child Abuse
Any practice, treatment, or sustained effort by a licensed mental health provider, religious counselor, or any other person in a professional or quasi-professional capacity that seeks to change, suppress, or eliminate a minor's sexual orientation, gender identity, or gender expression is prohibited and constitutes a form of child abuse; licensed practitioners who engage in conversion therapy on minors must have their licenses revoked and are subject to criminal prosecution; federal funding — including Medicaid, CHIP, and any federally funded program — may not be used for conversion therapy for any person of any age; adults who voluntarily seek conversion therapy from a licensed provider must receive a written disclosure that the practice has no scientific basis and is opposed by all major medical and mental health associations before any services begin; providers who misrepresent the efficacy of conversion therapy are subject to FTC fraud enforcement; interstate commerce in conversion therapy services and materials targeting minors is prohibited; enforcement includes criminal prosecution of violating practitioners and a private right of action for individuals harmed by prohibited conversion practices.
All major medical and mental health associations — including the APA, AMA, and AAP — have condemned conversion therapy as ineffective and harmful. Conversion therapy has been linked to increased rates of depression, anxiety, and suicide among LGBTQ+ youth. Cross-reference: RGHT-BODS-0006 (bodily autonomy family ban on conversion therapy).
RGHT-LGBQ-0004
Proposal
This position requires Congress to fully codify the right of same-sex couples to marry in federal law with real enforcement mechanisms, beyond the current Respect for Marriage Act. Federal law must affirmatively require all states to issue marriage licenses to same-sex couples, and no civil marriage license may be denied based on sex, sexual orientation, race, or religion.
Same-Sex and Interracial Marriage Must Be Fully Protected in Federal Law With No Religious Exemption for Civil Marriage
The right of same-sex couples to marry must be fully codified in federal statute with enforcement mechanisms beyond the Respect for Marriage Act's recognition framework; federal law must affirmatively require all states to issue marriage licenses to same-sex couples regardless of state constitutional provisions; no civil marriage license may be denied, delayed, or conditioned based on the sex, sexual orientation, or gender identity of either applicant; county clerks and other civil officials who refuse to issue marriage licenses to same-sex couples are subject to removal from office and personal civil liability; federal benefits — including Social Security survivor benefits, federal employee spousal benefits, military spousal benefits, immigration spousal rights, and tax treatment — must be fully available to same-sex spouses on equal terms with opposite-sex spouses; the Respect for Marriage Act's exemption allowing religiously affiliated organizations to deny services to same-sex married couples must be narrowed to exclude any organization that receives federal funding; enforcement includes DOJ authority, removal proceedings for non-compliant civil officials, and a private right of action for couples denied marriage licenses or federal benefits.
The Supreme Court's 2022 Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization decision, which overturned Roe v. Wade, cited reasoning that legal scholars warn could be used to revisit Obergefell v. Hodges, the 2015 decision establishing same-sex marriage rights. Cross-reference: RGHT-EQTS-0001 through 0004 (equality protections); RGHT-RELS-0006 (RFRA may not be used to harm third parties).
RGHT-LGBQ-0005
Proposal
This position requires federal civil rights law to override state laws that ban transgender people from using bathrooms consistent with their gender identity, categorically exclude transgender girls from women's sports without individualized medical assessment, or restrict or criminalize gender expression. Federal civil rights law must serve as a floor that no state may fall below.
Federal Law Must Preempt State Laws That Target Transgender People for Exclusion and Stigmatization
Federal civil rights law must preempt state laws that: prohibit transgender individuals from using bathrooms or facilities consistent with their gender identity in schools, government buildings, or public accommodations; categorically exclude transgender girls and women from women's sports without individualized, medically supervised assessment; restrict or criminalize drag performances, gender expression, or public acknowledgment of LGBTQ+ identities and relationships in public schools; or require school personnel to disclose a student's gender identity or chosen name to parents without the student's consent where such disclosure could endanger the student; transgender students must be permitted to use their chosen name and pronouns in all school records and settings; schools that require use of legal names or biological sex designations against a student's wishes are subject to loss of federal education funding; enforcement includes DOJ preemption authority, loss of federal education funding for non-compliant schools, and a private right of action for transgender students and individuals harmed by preempted state laws.
As of 2024, more than 20 states have enacted laws restricting transgender participation in school sports, and multiple states have enacted restrictions on bathroom access. Research shows that LGBTQ+ youth who have their identity affirmed at school have significantly better mental health outcomes. Cross-reference: RGHT-IDNS-0004 (gender marker rights); RGHT-EQTS-0005 (Equality Act).
RGHT-RACE-0002
Proposal
This position requires federal agencies to conduct disparity studies every five years documenting the gap between the availability of minority- and women-owned businesses and how often they actually win federal contracts. Agencies with documented disparities must implement race-conscious remediation programs until parity is achieved, and the Section 8(a) small business development program must be fully funded and expanded.
Federal Contracting Must Actively Advance Racial Equity Through Targeted Programs and Disparity Studies
Federal agencies must conduct disparity studies every five years documenting the gap between the availability of minority- and women-owned businesses and their utilization in federal contracting; agencies with documented disparities must implement race-conscious remediation programs until parity is achieved. The Section 8(a) Business Development Program must be fully funded and expanded; sole-source contract limits for 8(a) firms must be increased to $10 million for goods and services. Federal prime contractors with contracts exceeding $1 million must submit annual subcontracting plans with specific, measurable goals for minority-owned business utilization; failure to meet documented goals without good cause is a contract violation subject to penalties and debarment. The SBA must establish a Capital Access Fund providing no-collateral, below-market-rate loans of up to $500,000 to minority-owned small businesses. Criminal enforcement is available for fraud or intentional misrepresentation in subcontracting plan submissions; a private right of action is available to minority-owned businesses harmed by agency failures to conduct required disparity studies or implement required remediation programs.
Despite comprising a significant share of the U.S. population, minority-owned businesses receive a disproportionately small share of federal contracts. The racial wealth gap limits access to the collateral required for conventional business loans, creating compounding barriers to entrepreneurship.
RGHT-RACE-0003
Proposal
This position requires the federal government to eliminate accumulated debt owed by HBCUs (historically Black colleges and universities) under federal land-grant programs, and to provide endowment matching funds of $3 for every $1 raised privately — up to $1 billion per institution. Federally chartered HBCUs must be funded at levels comparable to peer research universities.
Historically Black Colleges and Universities Must Receive Equitable Federal Investment and Endowment Support
The federal government must: (1) eliminate the accumulated debt owed by HBCUs under federal land-grant programs and provide an endowment matching program funding $3 for every $1 raised privately, up to $1 billion per institution; (2) fully fund Howard University and other federally chartered HBCUs at levels comparable to peer research institutions; (3) require federal research agencies including NIH, NSF, and DOE to designate no less than 10% of research grants for HBCU investigators and partnerships; and (4) establish a Community Wealth Building Fund — capitalized at $10 billion — providing grants and low-interest loans for Black-owned community development financial institutions, credit unions, and community land trusts in majority-Black communities. Federal infrastructure investment must include a community benefit agreement requirement ensuring that contracts in historically disinvested communities provide local hiring, living wages, and community ownership opportunities. Criminal enforcement is available for misappropriation of HBCU endowment matching funds or Community Wealth Building Fund grants; a private right of action is available to HBCUs and eligible community organizations denied required funding or matching benefits without lawful justification.
HBCUs have historically received significantly less land-grant funding than historically white institutions due to discriminatory implementation of the Morrill Act. Black-owned banks and CDFIs are critical to wealth-building in Black communities but are chronically undercapitalized.
RGHT-RACE-0004
Proposal
This position requires full enforcement of the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act, including dedicated prosecution units in every U.S. Attorney's office. All law enforcement agencies receiving federal funding must report hate crime data, train officers to recognize hate crimes, and refer suspected federal hate crimes to the Justice Department.
Hate Crimes Must Be Prosecuted as Federal Offenses With Enhanced Penalties and Mandatory Reporting
The Matthew Shepard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act must be fully enforced; DOJ must establish dedicated hate crime prosecution units in every U.S. Attorney's office. All law enforcement agencies receiving federal funding must: report hate crime data to the FBI UCR program; train officers to identify and appropriately classify hate crimes; and refer suspected federal hate crimes to the DOJ. Domestic terrorism — politically, racially, or ideologically motivated violence by U.S. persons against U.S. persons — must be codified as a federal crime with penalties equivalent to international terrorism statutes; the FBI and DHS must devote resources to domestic terrorism investigation proportionate to the documented threat. White supremacist and neo-Nazi organizations that engage in violence must be designated domestic terrorist organizations with asset-freezing and financial surveillance authority. Criminal enforcement under the Hate Crimes Prevention Act is available for bias-motivated crimes covered by the statute; a private right of action is available to hate crime victims for civil damages against perpetrators and, where federal funding conditionality is violated, against agencies that fail to meet mandatory reporting and training requirements.
The FBI's hate crime reporting system is voluntary and severely undercounts actual hate crimes due to inconsistent law enforcement participation. Domestic terrorism by white supremacists and far-right extremists accounts for a significant share of all terrorism incidents in the U.S.
RGHT-RACE-0005
Proposal
This position requires a racial equity impact assessment for every major federal bill — defined as one with an annual economic impact over $100 million — documenting the projected effects on communities of color, broken down by race and ethnicity. Federal agencies must also conduct racial equity reviews of existing rules and programs.
All Major Federal Legislation and Agency Rules Must Include a Racial Impact Assessment
All major federal legislation — defined as any bill with an annual economic impact exceeding $100 million — must include a racial equity impact assessment prepared by the Congressional Budget Office in consultation with civil rights organizations, documenting the projected effects of the legislation on communities of color, disaggregated by race and ethnicity. Federal agencies must conduct racial impact assessments for all significant regulations; assessments must be published for public comment before rules are finalized. Agencies must track and report annually on whether their programs are meeting equity benchmarks; programs with documented racially disparate impacts must develop and implement remediation plans. The White House Office of Management and Budget must issue government-wide guidance on racial equity impact assessment methodology and must oversee compliance. Criminal enforcement is available for willful falsification of racial impact assessments submitted to Congress or OMB; a private right of action is available to affected communities and civil rights organizations to compel completion of required assessments or remediation plans that an agency has failed to produce within the required timeframe.
Many federal policies that appear race-neutral have documented racially disparate effects due to structural inequalities. Several states have enacted racial equity impact assessment requirements for criminal justice legislation.
RGHT-VETS-0001
Proposal
This position requires Congress to automatically upgrade the discharge status of every veteran discharged under Don't Ask, Don't Tell or earlier military policies that barred gay and gender-nonconforming service members — without requiring veterans to apply. These veterans must have their VA benefits fully restored, and Congress must issue a formal federal apology.
All Veterans Discharged Under "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" or Prior Homosexuality Bars Must Receive Automatic Honorable Discharge Upgrades, Full Back Benefits, and a Federal Apology
Congress must: (1) enact automatic — not application-based — honorable discharge upgrades for every veteran discharged under Don't Ask, Don't Tell (1993–2011) or under any prior military policy that treated homosexuality or gender nonconformity as a bar to service — requiring DOD to identify and notify all affected veterans within 18 months; (2) retroactively restore full VA benefits eligibility — including healthcare, disability compensation, home loan guaranty, education benefits, and burial honors — to every veteran upgraded under this section, with benefits calculated as if the upgrade had been granted on the original date of discharge; (3) direct the Treasury to calculate and pay back compensation for all VA disability compensation, pension, and education benefits denied solely due to discharge characterization — with interest at the 10-year Treasury rate from the original date of denial; (4) require a formal, written apology from the President of the United States, the Secretary of Defense, and the Secretary of Veterans Affairs — addressed to each affected veteran individually — acknowledging the harm caused by DADT and prior exclusion policies; (5) establish a DADT Veterans Assistance Fund — $500 million — providing immediate financial assistance to DADT veterans experiencing homelessness, poverty, unmet healthcare needs, or other hardship directly attributable to their improper discharge; (6) require DOD and VA to jointly publish a public report within 2 years documenting the total number of veterans discharged under DADT and prior policies, the total VA benefits denied, and the estimated economic harm suffered by affected veterans.
Approximately 14,000 service members were discharged under DADT between 1993 and 2011. Tens of thousands more were discharged under pre-DADT homosexuality bars dating to World War II.
RGHT-VETS-0002
Proposal
This position requires Congress to codify in law that all VA healthcare, mental health, housing, and benefits programs are fully available to LGBTQ+ veterans on equal terms with all other veterans. All VA medical centers must provide full gender-affirming care, and the VA must enforce a zero-tolerance policy for discrimination against LGBTQ+ veterans and staff.
LGBTQ+ Veterans Must Have Full, Equal Access to All VA Healthcare Programs, Gender-Affirming Care Must Be Covered at All VA Facilities, and VA Must Adopt Zero-Tolerance Policies for Discrimination Against LGBTQ+ Veterans and Staff
Congress must: (1) codify in statute that all VA healthcare programs, mental health services, housing programs, and benefits programs are fully available to LGBTQ+ veterans — prohibiting any VA policy, regulation, or practice that treats LGBTQ+ veterans differently from non-LGBTQ+ veterans in any program; (2) mandate that all VA medical centers provide full gender-affirming care — including hormone therapy, surgical consultation and referral, mental health support, and social transition support — at every VA facility, with any gaps in in-house capacity filled by mandatory community care referrals at VA cost; (3) require VA to: (a) train all clinical and administrative staff on LGBTQ+-affirming care practices within 12 months; (b) establish LGBTQ+ Veterans Care Coordinators at every VA medical center; (c) create an LGBTQ+ Veterans Advisory Committee reporting directly to the Secretary of Veterans Affairs; (4) prohibit any VA official, contractor, or grantee from misgendering or deadnaming a veteran in any official communication, medical record, or administrative proceeding — with mandatory disciplinary action for violations; (5) require VA to collect and publish demographic data on LGBTQ+ veteran enrollment, healthcare utilization, mental health outcomes, and benefits claims — disaggregated by gender identity, sexual orientation, race, and era of service; and (6) establish a private right of action for LGBTQ+ veterans subjected to discrimination in any VA program, with damages of no less than $50,000 per violation plus attorney's fees. Criminal enforcement is available for willful, knowing violations of any prohibition on discriminatory VA administration established by this section.
LGBTQ+ veterans experience significantly higher rates of homelessness, suicide, and unmet healthcare needs compared to non-LGBTQ+ veterans. Many LGBTQ+ veterans, particularly transgender veterans, report avoiding VA care due to past experiences of discrimination and inadequate care.
RGHT-VETS-0003
Proposal
This position requires a comprehensive racial equity audit of all VA benefits programs — covering disability ratings, claims denials, home loan approvals, healthcare access, and mental health referrals — for at least fiscal years 2000 through the present. VA must publish disparity data annually, and Congress must fund targeted remediation for veterans of color who were wrongfully denied benefits they were entitled to.
VA Must Conduct a Comprehensive Racial Equity Audit of All Benefits Programs, Publish Disparity Data Annually, and Congress Must Appropriate Targeted Remediation Funds for Veterans of Color Who Were Denied Benefits They Were Entitled To
Congress must: (1) direct the VA Inspector General and an independent civil rights organization jointly selected by VA and the NAACP to conduct a comprehensive racial equity audit of all VA benefits programs — including disability ratings, claims denials, home loan guaranty approvals, healthcare access, and mental health referrals — covering at minimum fiscal years 2000 through the present; (2) require VA to publish annual disaggregated data on benefits outcomes by race, ethnicity, gender, era of service, and geographic region — including: (a) claim approval and denial rates; (b) average disability rating granted; (c) average claims processing time; (d) healthcare enrollment and utilization rates; (e) home loan guaranty approval rates; (3) establish a Veterans of Color Equity Fund — $2 billion — to provide supplemental compensation, retroactive benefits, and wraparound services to veterans of color who can demonstrate they were denied benefits due to racially disparate administration — with a streamlined claims process and a rebuttable presumption of eligibility for veterans from historically underserved communities; (4) require VA to submit a Congressional Remediation Plan within 2 years of each equity audit — identifying specific policy changes to eliminate documented disparities, with enforceable milestones and annual progress reports; (5) direct the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to appear before the House and Senate Veterans Affairs Committees annually to testify on racial equity progress; and (6) establish criminal liability for any VA official found to have intentionally administered benefits programs in a racially discriminatory manner. A private right of action is available to veterans of color who can demonstrate racially disparate denial of specific benefits to which they were entitled, with damages equal to the value of benefits denied plus interest and attorney's fees.
Studies have documented that Black veterans receive lower average disability ratings than white veterans with equivalent conditions, are more likely to be denied claims, and face longer processing times. The GI Bill's original implementation after World War II systematically excluded Black veterans from housing, education, and economic benefits — a historic harm with lasting economic consequences.
RGHT-VETS-0004
Proposal
This position requires every VA medical center with more than 3,000 enrolled women veterans to establish a dedicated Women's Health Center staffed with an OB/GYN, a women's health nurse practitioner, a mental health specialist trained in military sexual trauma, and a social worker. Congress must fully fund research on military sexual trauma and enforce a zero-tolerance policy for gender discrimination at VA facilities.
Women Veterans Must Have Equal Access to All VA Programs Through Mandatory Standalone Women's Health Centers, Full MST Research Funding, and Zero-Tolerance Enforcement of VA Gender Discrimination
Congress must: (1) mandate that every VA medical center with more than 3,000 enrolled women veterans establish a dedicated, standalone Women's Health Center — staffed by at least one board-certified OB/GYN, one women's health nurse practitioner, one mental health specialist with MST training, and one social worker — separate from general outpatient clinics and providing comprehensive reproductive healthcare including contraception, prenatal care, and menopause management; (2) appropriate $1 billion annually for VA women's health research — with at least 25% dedicated to Military Sexual Trauma (MST) research, including longitudinal studies on MST's long-term health impacts, effective treatments, and barriers to care; (3) require VA to: (a) hire a Women's Health Program Manager at every VISN (Veterans Integrated Service Network); (b) ensure all primary care providers treating women veterans complete annual MST-sensitive care training; (c) establish a private clinic option — where women veterans can receive VA-covered care at a private women's health clinic of their choice if the local VA facility cannot provide the requested service within 30 days; (4) extend presumptive service connection to: (a) all gynecological cancers for women veterans with any service at a facility where known toxic exposures occurred; (b) all MST-related mental health conditions, including PTSD, depression, anxiety, and eating disorders; (5) require VA to collect and publish annual data on women veterans' healthcare utilization, wait times, mental health outcomes, and MST reporting rates — disaggregated by age, race, era of service, and facility; and (6) establish a private right of action for women veterans denied gender-equitable VA care, with damages of no less than $50,000 per violation and attorney's fees. Criminal enforcement is available for willful, knowing violations of any mandatory women's health care requirement established by this section.
Women are the fastest-growing segment of the veteran population, projected to comprise 17% of all veterans by 2042. Women veterans experience higher rates of homelessness, suicide, and unmet healthcare needs compared to male veterans on many measures.
RGHT-ESTB-0001
Proposal
This position prohibits any federal funds — including school vouchers, education savings accounts, or tax credit scholarships — from being used for core religious instruction, required religious services, or discriminatory admissions based on religion. Public schools must be prohibited from directing or coercing student participation in prayer, Bible study, or religious ceremonies, with a private right to sue for violations.
No Federal or State Government Funds May Be Used to Fund Religious Instruction at Any Faith-Based School — And All Public Schools Must Be Prohibited From Conducting, Directing, or Coercing Student Participation in Any Religious Activity Including Prayer, Bible Study, or Religious Ceremonies
Congress must: (1) establish a Federal Establishment Clause Enforcement Act — prohibiting any federal funds, including any school voucher, education savings account, or tax credit scholarship, from being used at any school for: (a) core religious instruction in theology, scripture, or religious doctrine; (b) requiring students to attend or participate in religious services, prayer, or devotional activities; (c) proselytization or religious conversion activities; (d) any curriculum that teaches religious doctrine as scientific fact in science classes; (2) require all public schools receiving federal funding to: (a) prohibit school officials, teachers, coaches, or other employees from leading, directing, or coercing student religious activity during school hours or at school events; (b) prohibit any school-sponsored prayer, Bible reading, or religious ceremony — including at graduation, sporting events, or other school activities; (c) ensure all religious accommodations are student-initiated, voluntary, and not school-directed; (3) prohibit any Ten Commandments display, religious iconography, or religious text in any public school classroom, government building, or courtroom — consistent with Establishment Clause jurisprudence; (4) condition all federal education funding on state compliance with these requirements — with 25% funding reduction for any state that enacts laws in violation; (5) criminal penalties for any public school official who directs or coerces religious activity in violation of this Act; and (6) a private right of action for any student or parent whose Establishment Clause rights were violated, with damages and attorney's fees and recovery of all government funds used for prohibited religious instruction.
The Supreme Court's decisions in Kennedy v. Bremerton School District (2022) and Carson v. Makin (2022) have significantly expanded government entanglement with religion in public schools and publicly funded religious education. Opinion polls consistently show that large majorities of Americans support separation of church and state in public schools.
RGHT-ADAE-0001
Proposal
This position requires Congress to pass the ADA Modernization Act, giving the Justice Department independent authority to investigate ADA violations without waiting for a private lawsuit — and to issue compliance orders with civil penalties of up to $50,000 per violation per day. This closes the enforcement gap that allows widespread inaccessibility to continue unchallenged.
Congress Must Strengthen Enforcement of the Americans With Disabilities Act — Eliminating the Litigation-First Requirement, Establishing a Federal ADA Compliance Fund for Small Businesses, and Creating a Federal ADA Enforcement Office With Authority to Investigate and Fine Violators Without Requiring a Private Lawsuit
Congress must: (1) enact the ADA Modernization Act — establishing that the DOJ has independent enforcement authority to: (a) investigate any complaint of ADA non-compliance without a private lawsuit having been filed; (b) issue compliance orders with civil penalties of up to $50,000 per violation per day; (c) initiate pattern-or-practice investigations of any business sector, local government, or transit authority with documented ADA compliance failures; (2) eliminate the requirement that disabled individuals must sue in federal court to obtain ADA compliance — establishing an administrative complaint pathway with DOJ resolution within 180 days; (3) establish a Federal ADA Compliance Fund — providing $2 billion over 10 years in grants to small businesses and local governments to fund physical accessibility upgrades — prioritizing businesses with fewer than 50 employees and governments with budgets under $5 million; (4) require all new federal contracts above $500,000 to include a certification of full ADA compliance; (5) require all federal agencies to publish annual ADA compliance audits; (6) criminal penalties — fines up to $5 million and imprisonment up to 5 years — for any business or government official who knowingly destroys evidence of ADA non-compliance or retaliates against a complainant; and (7) a private right of action for any disabled person denied access under the ADA, with full damages, injunctive relief, and attorney's fees — and a fee-shifting provision ensuring attorneys can take ADA cases on contingency.
Approximately 61 million Americans live with a disability, yet ADA enforcement remains almost entirely dependent on private litigation — which places the burden and cost on disabled individuals to sue for basic access. The "drive-by lawsuit" narrative has been used to roll back ADA access requirements, despite evidence that most ADA complainants genuinely cannot access businesses they wish to patronize.
RGHT-ADAE-0002
Proposal
This position requires Congress to establish that the ADA applies to all public-facing websites, mobile apps, and digital services, with compliance defined as meeting WCAG 2.2 Level AA accessibility standards. All federal, state, and local government websites must achieve full compliance within three years, and businesses must comply within five years.
Congress Must Establish Clear Federal Standards Requiring All Public-Facing Websites, Mobile Apps, and Digital Services — Including All State and Local Government Websites — to Meet WCAG 2.2 AA Accessibility Standards Within 3 Years
Congress must: (1) enact the Digital Accessibility Act — establishing that the ADA applies to all public accommodations' websites, mobile applications, and digital services — with compliance defined as meeting the Web Content Accessibility Guidelines (WCAG) 2.2 Level AA standards or equivalent; (2) require all federal, state, and local government websites and digital services to achieve full WCAG 2.2 AA compliance within 3 years of enactment — and maintain compliance through annual third-party audits; (3) require all businesses with annual revenue above $1 million that operate a public-facing website or app to achieve WCAG 2.2 AA compliance within 3 years; (4) establish a Federal Digital Accessibility Office within DOJ — with authority to: (a) publish and update binding digital accessibility standards; (b) investigate complaints and issue compliance orders; (c) impose civil penalties of up to $10,000 per page per day for non-compliant government websites; (5) provide small businesses with technical assistance grants to achieve digital compliance; (6) require all federal government procurement of software and digital services to mandate WCAG 2.2 AA compliance as a contract condition; (7) criminal penalties for any government official who knowingly certifies digital accessibility compliance that does not exist; and (8) a private right of action for any disabled person denied equal access to a website or digital service, with damages and attorney's fees.
An estimated 96% of the top 1 million websites fail basic web accessibility standards, leaving millions of blind, deaf, and motor-impaired Americans unable to access online services, employment, education, and commerce.
RGHT-OLMS-0001
Proposal
This position requires Congress to pass the Olmstead Full Integration Act, establishing a federal right for every person with a disability to receive services in the most integrated setting appropriate to their needs and prohibiting states from keeping anyone in an institution when community-based services would work. Every state must develop and execute a transition plan with enforceable annual benchmarks, backed by full Medicaid funding.
Congress Must Fully Fund the Olmstead Mandate — Requiring All States to Develop and Execute Community Integration Plans That Transition Individuals With Disabilities From Institutional Settings to the Least Restrictive Community-Based Care Within 5 Years, With Federal Enforcement and Full Medicaid Funding
Congress must: (1) enact the Olmstead Full Integration Act — codifying the Supreme Court's holding in Olmstead v. L.C. (1999) and establishing: (a) a federal right for any individual with a disability to receive services in the most integrated setting appropriate to their needs; (b) a prohibition on any state placing or maintaining any individual in an institutional setting when community-based services are appropriate, available, and not opposed by the individual; (2) require all states receiving Medicaid funding to submit and implement a Statewide Community Integration Plan — with binding milestones for transitioning individuals from nursing facilities, psychiatric hospitals, and other institutional settings to community-based care — within 18 months of enactment; (3) establish federal Medicaid reimbursement parity — requiring that all home and community-based services (HCBS) receive Medicaid reimbursement at the same rate as equivalent institutional services; (4) eliminate all Medicaid waiver waiting lists for HCBS within 5 years — ending the institutional bias that funds nursing homes as an entitlement while rationing community services; (5) establish a Federal Olmstead Enforcement Unit within DOJ — with authority to investigate state compliance, issue compliance orders, and withhold Medicaid funding from non-compliant states; (6) criminal penalties — fines up to $10 million — for any state official who knowingly fabricates Olmstead compliance data; and (7) a private right of action for any individual with a disability who is unnecessarily institutionalized in violation of the Olmstead mandate, with injunctive relief and damages.
As of recent estimates, more than 700,000 people with disabilities are on Medicaid HCBS waiver waiting lists nationwide, sometimes waiting years or decades for community-based services while institutional care is available as an entitlement. Institutional care typically costs Medicaid 2–3 times more per person than equivalent community-based services, yet institutional beds are funded as an entitlement while community services are rationed.
The structural problem with American rights protections is that many essential freedoms are not explicit, which makes them vulnerable to ideological reinterpretation, political attack, or judicial reversal when court composition changes. The Ninth Amendment states that "the enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people"—but in practice this has been largely symbolic because there is no enforcement mechanism and no clear framework for what those retained rights are. This pillar makes the Ninth Amendment operational by requiring that unenumerated rights be recognized and enforced, that rights provisions include both technical legal language and plain-language statements of purpose to prevent bad-faith interpretation, and that fundamental rights be interpreted in favor of liberty, dignity, autonomy, and protection from abuse rather than in favor of government power.
Privacy is one of the clearest examples of a right that should be explicit but currently is not. The right to privacy is implied by the Fourth Amendment (protection against unreasonable searches and seizures), the Third Amendment (protection against quartering of soldiers), the Fifth Amendment (protection against self-incrimination), and what Supreme Court cases have called "penumbras" of other provisions—but there is no general right to privacy stated in the Constitution. That leaves privacy protections vulnerable to narrow interpretation and makes it harder to apply privacy principles to new technologies and contexts. This pillar establishes an explicit general right to privacy covering home and personal life, communications, location data, digital activity, medical and mental health records, family and intimate relationships, and personal associations. It requires warrants for government access to personal communications, content, location history, and sensitive personal records. It bans warrantless bulk data collection and mass surveillance, and critically, it bans government purchase of personal data from brokers where the government could not lawfully compel the same data directly—closing a massive loophole where agencies bypass Fourth Amendment protections by buying data on the open market.
The pillar strongly regulates or bans the sale of personally identifying information without affirmative, informed consent, treating such information as controlled by the individual with rights to access, correction, deletion, portability, and notice. This is a fundamental shift from the current system where data is treated as a commodity that companies can harvest and sell. Protection extends to biometric data including facial recognition, gait tracking, voiceprints, and genetic data—technologies that did not exist when the Constitution was written but that now enable surveillance at scales that would have been unimaginable. The discussion also recognized the need to address workplace surveillance and coercive data practices as future additions, acknowledging that corporate power and employment relationships can create privacy violations that feel as coercive as government action.
Bodily autonomy is another area where protections are incomplete and vulnerable. The pillar explicitly protects bodily autonomy as a fundamental right, covering abortion, contraception, miscarriage care, fertility treatment, sterilization by choice, and gender-affirming care. It bans medically unnecessary, non-consensual surgeries on intersex infants and children except narrowly defined emergency circumstances — a practice that continues despite causing significant harm. It bans conversion therapy, which is abusive and ineffective. It protects informed consent as a core medical principle and the right to refuse medical treatment, subject to narrow limits where another person's rights are directly implicated. Critically, the pillar includes explicit prohibitions on forced sterilization in all contexts including criminal justice, immigration, disability guardianship, public benefits, and medical systems, with a separate rule clarifying that no government institution, court, agency, or private actor may require sterilization as a condition of status recognition, confinement, release, treatment, or legal compliance. These provisions address both historical abuses (eugenics-era forced sterilization) and ongoing coercive practices. The pillar also explicitly mandates repeal of the Comstock Act of 1873 (RGT-BOD-010) — a nineteenth-century anti-obscenity law that has been selectively revived as a vehicle to restrict access to abortion medication and reproductive healthcare materials through the mail. This repeal is a direct and affirmative platform commitment: the Comstock Act has no legitimate place in a legal framework that treats reproductive autonomy as a constitutional right, and no equivalent provision may replace it. The platform cross-references LEG-RPL-002 (Comstock repeal in the Legislative Reform pillar) as the same commitment, ensuring this is embedded in both the rights framework and the statutory reform agenda.
The pressure-test consideration here is that bodily autonomy language must be written carefully so it protects genuine medical freedom without being weaponized against all public-health rules. The solution is to specify that bodily autonomy is fundamental, but narrowly tailored, evidence-based public-health measures may still be permitted where necessary to prevent serious direct harm to others, with due process and sunset rules. This balances individual liberty against community safety without giving either absolute priority.
Equality protections in the Constitution currently cover race, color, and national origin explicitly (Fourteenth Amendment), and sex discrimination (though that interpretation took decades to develop). The pillar explicitly guarantees equal rights regardless of race, color, ethnicity, national origin, sex, gender, sexual orientation, romantic orientation, disability, religion, age where relevant, and other analogous immutable or deeply rooted characteristics. It clarifies that the list is not exhaustive, allowing protections to expand as understanding develops. It prohibits discrimination in law, enforcement, voting, employment, housing, education, healthcare, public accommodations, family life, and access to government services. It bans discriminatory enforcement, selective prosecution, and racial profiling—practices that undermine equal protection even when laws themselves are neutral. It requires equal protection to function as a floor for expansion, not contraction, with anti-backsliding protections so established rights cannot be casually narrowed.
Religious freedom and freedom from religion are both protected. The pillar protects sincerely held beliefs, worship, and peaceful religious expression while prohibiting compelled religious observance or participation and prohibiting state preference for religion over non-religion, or one religion over another. Critically, it clarifies that religion is not a valid excuse for abuse, forced labor, fraud, medical neglect, discrimination in protected contexts, deprivation of civil rights, or other rights violations. It permits revocation or limitation of tax-exempt status for organizations that commit abuse, systematically violate rights, operate coercively, hoard wealth unlawfully, commit fraud, or exploit members. This addresses a real problem where religious cover is used to shield abusive practices from accountability. The pillar makes clear distinctions between volunteers and forced labor and removes inappropriate legal shields for abuses committed under religious cover, while still protecting genuine religious exercise.
Due process protections ban indefinite detention, foreign or offshore detention designed to evade rights, and mass internment or detention based on race, ethnicity, religion, nationality, political identity, or other group status—all practices that have occurred in American history and remain possible without explicit prohibitions. The pillar bans executive kill lists and disposition-matrix-type systems without full constitutional due process (with very narrow exceptions for war-law circumstances if any such exception is retained). It strictly constrains watchlists, blacklists, no-fly lists, and predictive-risk systems unless accompanied by notice, due process, appeal rights, and review. These systems currently operate with minimal transparency and limited recourse, creating a form of punishment without trial.
Social and economic rights are treated as foundational rather than optional. The pillar recognizes healthcare as a right and protects access to medically necessary care without discrimination based on politics, ideology, identity, or geography, with universal baseline access nationwide. It recognizes housing as a right or at minimum protects the right to safe shelter and freedom from arbitrary displacement. It guarantees paid medical leave, paid parental leave, and paid family leave—protections that most peer democracies provide but the United States does not. Most ambitiously, the pillar guarantees a minimum economic floor sufficient for basic survival, dignity, and participation in society, with the user view that a guaranteed basic income is absolutely required. It requires that the income floor be regularly adjusted for inflation, tied to cost-of-living realities, and protected from arbitrary political erosion. It recognizes the right to earn a livable wage and requires minimum wage to automatically adjust for inflation and reflect real living costs. It requires government to maintain systems of social insurance, disability support, unemployment protection, old-age income support, and welfare services, and it removes arbitrary caps that make payroll-based social insurance less progressive, specifically calling out the Social Security wage cap.
The rationale for treating economic security as a rights issue rather than just policy is that many rights depend not only on legal protection, but on whether people have the material ability to exercise them. Without economic security, healthcare, and housing, many freedoms exist only in theory. Privacy is weaker if you cannot afford shelter. Bodily autonomy is weaker if you cannot afford care. Free speech is weaker if you are one paycheck from homelessness. Economic security is the foundation that makes other rights real.
Emerging technology protections address AI and automated systems. The pillar bans government use of AI or automated systems to make unreviewable decisions in policing, sentencing, benefits, healthcare, education, housing, employment, immigration, and credit-like public systems. It guarantees the right to explanation, human review, appeal, and correction of automated errors. It bans discriminatory algorithmic profiling and restricts high-risk biometric surveillance. It bans government circumvention of rights through private technology vendors and limits data brokers and government end-runs around constitutional protections through commercial data purchases. Discussion also flagged future work around coercive behavioral manipulation, addictive interface design, and children's digital protections—recognizing that tech platforms use psychological manipulation at scale in ways that undermine autonomy and mental health.
Firearms regulation is addressed by reworking the Second Amendment or related constitutional text to explicitly affirm government authority to regulate firearms and weaponry, explicitly defining "well regulated militia," and clarifying that private armies, mercenary groups, and unaccountable armed formations are prohibited. This allows strong regulation of acquisition, carrying, training, storage, and militia activity. It requires background checks, safety training, de-escalation training, and narrowly tailored dangerousness-based mental health evaluations—but prohibits blanket firearm exclusion based solely on diagnosis, protecting disabled people's rights while still allowing risk-based restrictions. It bans private ownership of weapons of war, including automatic weapons and comparable civilian analogues intended to evade regulation. For militias that are permitted, it requires membership records, asset records, disclosure of chain of command, insurance, regular audits, and approved training and safety standards, with federal and state regulation and oversight. It allows and encourages lawful service roles such as disaster relief and search and rescue under clear accountability systems.
Children's rights, parental rights, and family integrity are balanced. The pillar protects children's rights to bodily autonomy appropriate to age and capacity, safety from abuse and neglect, medically appropriate care, education, due process, and freedom from coercive institutional harm. It protects parental rights for all parents, not only ideologically preferred ones, while requiring balance between parental rights and children's independent rights and best interests. It prohibits the state from privileging one political, religious, or ideological parenting framework over others in ways that suppress lawful pluralism, and prevents abuse of "parental rights" as a pretext to deny children safety, education, healthcare, dignity, or equal protection. It protects family integrity including chosen family and diverse family structures where consistent with safety and law.
Immigration and human rights protections guarantee core due process and dignity protections to all persons within U.S. jurisdiction, not only citizens. This protects against arbitrary detention, abuse, disappearance, family separation without due process, and coercive confinement. It requires humane treatment, access to counsel or legal process, and judicial review in immigration detention and removal systems. It prohibits use of immigration status as a pretext to nullify baseline human rights and bans group-based detention or punishment without individualized due process. The pillar distinguishes universal human rights from political rights tied specifically to citizenship—voting and holding office are citizenship rights, but due process, safety from torture, and family integrity are human rights.
Environmental rights recognize a right to clean air, clean water, and a reasonably safe environment, requiring protection from severe environmental harms that foreseeably threaten health, safety, and long-term habitability. It protects communities from discriminatory environmental burdens, requires transparency around contamination and public-health risk, and treats environmental safety as a rights issue, not just a regulatory preference.
Enforcement and remedies are designed to ensure rights are real. The pillar applies nationwide as a federal floor—states and localities may expand protections but may not reduce them below that floor. Any law burdening a fundamental right must satisfy the highest level of constitutional review, with government proving compelling interest, necessity, narrow tailoring, and least restrictive means. Rights-protective provisions must be interpreted using text, structure, stated purpose, context, and anti-abuse intent, with plain-language statements of intent treated as authoritative interpretive guidance. Congress has explicit power to enforce these guarantees through legislation. Courts must provide meaningful remedies including injunctive relief, damages, expedited judicial review, federal cause of action, and attorney's fees—the principle being that rights without remedies are inadequate. Private entities exercising public, quasi-public, monopolistic, or coercive power in defined contexts may be subject to tailored rights constraints, preventing corporate end-runs around constitutional protections. Retaliatory state action against individuals for exercising protected rights is banned.
Rights-conflict resolution provides a framework for when rights conflict: maximize liberty and dignity, minimize coercion and harm, prioritize protection against irreversible harm, and apply heightened scrutiny where structural power imbalances exist. This is intended to resolve recurring tensions such as religious liberty versus anti-discrimination, parental rights versus children's rights, privacy versus public safety, speech versus coordinated deception, and gun rights versus community safety—without giving any single value absolute priority.
The pressure-test lessons incorporated: avoid making the unenumerated-rights framework so vague that it becomes shapeless (hence the plain-language purpose statements and interpretive principles); distinguish strongly between protecting belief and allowing harmful conduct (religion protects worship but not abuse); ensure bodily autonomy language cannot be casually weaponized against all public-health rules without a strict harm framework (narrowly tailored, evidence-based measures permitted where necessary to prevent serious direct harm); positive rights like healthcare and housing require implementation obligations, not just declarations (hence the emphasis on universal baseline access and regular inflation adjustment); federal floor plus state expansion is the correct anti-patchwork model (prevents a race to the bottom); and corporate power and outsourced public functions must not become an end run around constitutional rights (hence the provision covering private entities exercising coercive power).
This pillar represents the most comprehensive rights framework in the project, addressing both traditional civil liberties and modern challenges from technology, economic insecurity, and concentrated private power. It is designed to be durable, explicit, enforceable, and resistant to bad-faith interpretation or ideological erosion.
The platform recognizes reparations for slavery and systemic racial discrimination as an unresolved obligation — one the United States has never formally addressed despite the direct, documented, multigenerational economic and social harm caused by chattel slavery, the Black Codes, convict leasing, Jim Crow segregation, redlining, and racially selective application of public programs like the GI Bill. This is acknowledged here as a gap: the platform commits to the principle that this harm requires formal acknowledgment and structured redress, while recognizing that the specific mechanisms — whether direct payments, community investment, targeted programs, or a combination — require deliberation through a legitimate democratic process. A congressionally chartered study commission, modeled on the H.R. 40 framework proposed since 1989, is one established starting point. The platform does not prescribe the exact form, but treats inaction as no longer acceptable.